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The papers printed in this volume are a collection from various 
sources. It was originally intended to insert them in the Appendix 
to the third volume of the * Clarke Papers * in order to supplement 
and illustrate several documents relating to the expedition to the 
West Indies which that volume contains (pp. 54, 77, 86, 203), 
But as these narratives proved more lengthy than at first calculated, 
it was judged more convenient to print them separately. 

First in order of importance and size is the narrative of General 
Venables himself, consisting for the most part of an apology for his 
conduct while in command of the expedition, and concluding with 
an account of his examination and imprisonment after his return to 
England. Of tHis narrative there are two manuscripts in the 
British Museum, one among the collections of Edward Long, the 
historian of Jamaica (Add. MS. 12429, ff. 7-72), the other 
among those of Thomas Povey (Add. MS. 11410, ff. 56-143). Both 
appear to be copies of the same original. Povey's copy is dated at 
the end May 7, 1677, and is attested as a true copy by Will. God- 
salve. Long's copy, which was made in the 1 8th century, is slightly 
modernised. In addition to these there is an earlier, briefer and 
imperfect version of the narrative in the possr ssion of Mr. Lee 
Townshend of Gorstage Hall, Cheshire. This version was copied by 
Dr. Gardiner early in 1899, and kindly placed at the disposal of 
the editor of this volume. It differs a little in phraseology from 
Long's manuscript, and also in arrangement, concluding with the 


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conquest of Jamaica, and giving no account of what happened to 
Venables after his return to England. These different versions 
have been compared and important differences in the matter noticed. 
Words misread or omitted in Long's version have sometimes been 
supplied by the editor fix)m the others. 

In his History of Jamaica (3 yols., 1774) Long quotes several 
passages from the narrative of Venables (i. 615-619). It also 
formed the basis of * A Letter concerning the expedition of Penn 
and Venables against the Island of Hispaniola ' printed in Leonard 
Howard's collection of Letters (1753, 4to). The anonymous 
author of this * Letter ' mentions his * perusal of some papers and 
memoirs of a person of no mean character throughout the action, 
whose employment gave him opportunity to know all.' This 
compilation is reprinted in the preface to an edition of * The Experi- 
enced Angler' ^ published in 1827. An extract from the naiTative 
in the possession of Mr. Lee Townshend has been printed in * Some 
Account of General Robert Venables, in vol. iv. of the ' Chetham 
Miscellany' (1871). But neither these extracts nor Howards 
unskilful abridgment sulBSce to supply the place of the original 
narrative, which is now published in extenso. 

The object of the narrative is to vindicate the reputation of 
Venables as a general, and to prove that the disasters which befell the 
expedition under his command were due to the fault of others. He 
supports his case by quoting letters written by officers serving in 
the expexJition, some addressed to himself, others to officials or 
friends in England. Of these letters some are to be found in 
Thurloe's * State Papers,' but a Ivge number have not been printed 
before. The narrative contains also an account of the imprison- 
ment of Venables in the Tower, and of his examination by 
Cromwell's council. It concludes with a refutation of an anony- 
mous pamphlet published in 1655 and reprinted in the third volume 
of the * Harleian Miscellany ' (p. 510, ed. Park). This pamphlet 

' Written by Venables, and first publishe in 1662, with an epistle from Izaak 
Walton to the author. 

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18 entitled * A brief and perfect Journal of the late Proceedings 
and Success of the English Army in the West Indies, continued 
until June the 24!th 1655. Together with some Queries inserted 
and answered. Published for the Satisfaction of all such as desire 
truly to be informed in these Particulars. By I. S. an eye- 

In order to estimate the value of the defence put forward by 
Venables and the truth of the statements which he makes, his 
narrative should be compared with the accounts of the expedition 
written by other officers employed in it. Two such accounts are 
printed in this volume. One is an anonymous relation, or 
rather a series of five letters, derived from the Rawlinson 
MSS. in the Bodleian Library, and printed in Appendix D. 
The other is a journal kept by Henry Whistler, who served 
on board the fleet, and represents the views of the partisans of 
Penn. An extract from Whistler's journal is printed in the 
' Memorials of Sir William Penn' (ii. 31) by Granville Penn, but 
Whistler is so graphic and picturesque that the whole of liis 
account of the proceedings at Hispaniola and Jamaica seemed to 
deserve printing as Appendix E. There are two other narratives 
of the expedition which have not hitherto been made use of by 
historians. One is the brief account by an officer of Colonel 
Fortescue's regiment (probably Major Thomas White) printed in 
the third volume of the * Clarke Papers ' (pp. xix, 54). The othe" 
is the long and valuable letter of Lieut.-Col. Francis Barrington, 
printed in the * Seventh Report of the Historical Manuscripts Cora- 
mission ' (p. 571). When to these are added the documents printed 
in Thurloe's ' State Papers,' Carte's * Original Letters,' the * Memorials 
of Sir William Penn,' and the * Calendar of Colonial State Papers,* 
there are few incidents in the histoiy of the Protectorate about 
which so much certainty is attainable. 

It is unnecessary to discuss the origin of the expedition which 
Venables commanded. The subject is fully treated by Dr. 
Gardiner in his * History of the Commonwealth and Protectorate * 

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(ii. 447, 471-9), and in an article by Mr. Frank Strong on 'The 
Causes of Cromweirs West Indian Expedition,' published in 
the * American Historical Review' for January 1899. Edward 
Montague's paper on * The Grounds of undertakinge the Designe 
of attemptinge the King of Spaine in the West Indies' and 
his account of the debate on the subject in the Protector's 
council on July 20, 1654, show some of the motives which led 
to the attack on the Spanish colonies (* Clarke Papers,' iii. 

In his narrative Venables asserts that the motives of himself 
and his officers were to promote the Gospel and serve their country, 
and warmly defends the justice of the expedition against the 
aspersions of I. S. (pp. 5, 88-92). The Protector's declaration 
published in November 1654, convinced him that Spanish attacks 
on English colonies in the past supplied a sufficient casus belli 
(p. 90). When he asked to have the justice of the design made 
clear to him before engaging, he was * satisfied with this dilemma. 
Either there was Peace with the Spaniards in the West Indies, or 
not. If Peace, they had violated it, and to seek reparation was just. 
If we had no Peace, then there was nothing acted against Articles 
with Spain' (p. 3). 

Venables had served with credit in Lancashire and Cheshire 
from 1642 or thereabouts to 1648. In 1649 he commanded a foot 
regiment in the army destined for the reconquest of Ireland, and 
from September 1649 to the spring of 1654 he served in Ulster, 
where he long held the chief command of the English forces. Of 
his services in Ireland he gives some account at the beginning of 
his narrative (p. 2). In May 1654 he came over to England to 
represent the views of the Irish officers about the settlement of 
Ireland, and was then oflTered the command of the expedition to 
the West Indies. * The Western Design,' as it was termed, is first 
mentioned in the proceedings of Cromwell's council under June 5, 
1654 Q Cal. State Papers, Dom.' 1654, p. 201), but it had been 
under consideration for some months previously. The appointment 

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of a special committee to make the preparations for the expedition 
took place on August 18, and as the name of Yenables appears in 
the list of its members, it is evident that he had by this time accepted 
the Protector's oflfer (p. 107 ; cf. Gardiner, * Commonwealth and 
Protectorate/ ii. 447, 475). Venables asked for the payment of his 
arrears, which was ordered on September 2, 1654 (* Cal. State 
Papers, Dom/ 1654, pp. 213, 357). His commission as general 
passed the conncil on December 4, is dated December 9, and is 
printed in 'Thurloe's State Papers' (iii. 16). His instructions, 
printed in Appendix A, p. Ill, are not dated, but were doubtless 
drawn up at the same time. The commission to Venables, Penn, 
Winslow, Searle, and Butler, as commissioners for the manage- 
ment of the expedition, which is also dated December 9, is 
printed in Appendix A, p. 109. The commission and instructions 
of his colleague Penn, as commander of the fleet, are printed in 
the 'Memorials of Sir William Penn,' ii. 21-27.^ 

When Venables was first ofiered the command, ' I moved,' he 
says, ' that my friends should not be made more formidable to me 
than my enemies, by bounding and straitening me with com- 
missions and instructions, which at that distance would serve but 
as fetters' (p. 4). A perusal of the instructions shows that 
Clarendon is wrong in describing them as so * very particular and 
positive ' that the precise place where Venables was to land in 
Hispaniola was definitely stated Q Rebellion,' xv. 10). The instruc- 
tions in reality, while stating that the object of the expedition is to 
* gain an interest in that part of the West Indies in the Spaniard,' 
go on to add * for the eflfecting whereof we shall not tye you up to 
a method by any particular instructions, but only communicate to 
you what hath bin under our consideration.' DiflTerent points of 
attack are suggested, but only suggested, and the decision is left 

* Penn's oommission is there dated Oct. 9, which is possibly an error for 
Bee. 9. His instniotions were certainly not passed before Dec. 9. See Disbrowe's 
letter to Thnrloe, Deo. 7» 1654, suggesting amendments in them. Tharloe, 
iii. 17. 

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to be taken by the commanders of the expedition. It was not till 
some time after the arrival of the fleet at Barbadoes that it was 
resolved to attack Hispaniola (' Memorials of Sir W. Penn/ ii. 70). 
On the other hand Venables was, to a certain extent, fettered by 
the fact that he shared the control of the expedition with various 
colleagues, with Penn as commander of the fleet, and with three 
other persons who were commissioners for the management of the 
expedition. In theory, Penn had complete control of the fleet and 
Venables of the land forces, while the two, assisted by three 
other commissioners, were to have the joint management of matters 
in which common interests and questions of general policy were 
involved. But the limits of their respective functions were not 
clearly defined, and Venables bitterly complains that whereas he 
had thought the commissioners were merely intended to relieve 
him of the management of civil afiairs (like the commissioners 
employed with him in Ulster), they went beyond their province and 
claimed a general control of his opemtions to which they were not 
entitled (p. 101). 

Two out of the three colleagues of Venables and Penn were 
men of considerable ability, and all three possessed colonial 
experience of great value. Edward Winslow, the most important 
of the three, was a man whose ability, character and history 
admirably fitted him for employment on such an expedition. 
Born at Droitwich in 1595, he fell in with the Puritan exiles at 
Ley den in 1617 when he was on his travels, became one of John 
Robinson's congregation, and sailed with the Pilgrim Fathers in 
the * May Flower' in 1620. In 1633 he was chosen Governor of 
the colony of New Plymouth, to which oflBce he was re-elected in 
1636 and 1644 (Young, * Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers,* 
p. 274). In 1646 he returned to England as the agent of 
Massachusetts charged to defend the colony from the slanders of 
Samuel Gorton and others. On August 5, 1650, Winslow was 
made by Act of Parliament one of the seven commissioners 
appointed for compounding with delinquents, at a salary of 3001. 

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per annum. He was suspended from acting in this office in May 
1653 because he signed the London petition for the restoration of 
the Long Parliament, but was reappointed on Jan. 25, 1654 (* Cal. 
State Papers, Dom.' 1653-4, p. 368; 'Clarke Papers,' iii. 6). 
Winslow had been frequently consulted on colonial affairs by the 
Parliament and the Council of State, so that his appointment as 
one of the commissioners for the West Indian expedition naturally 
suggested itself to Cromwell. His salary during his employment 
was fixed at lOOOZ. per annum ('Cal. State Papers, Colonial,' 
1574-1660, pp. 419, 439). 

From Winslow's letter to Thurloe, written at Barbadoes on 
March 16, 1655, it is very clear that he was thoroughly trusted by 
the Protector's government. He was specially enjoined to give 
* an impartial character of all things ' to Thurloe for the Protector, 
and accordingly wrote at length that * his Highness might under- 
stand all things as fully as if he had been here' (Thurloe, iii. 
249). It is clear also that he exercised great influence on the 
policy pursued by the commissioners at Barbadoes and elsewhere. 
He is often mentioned in the Journal of the proceedings of the 
Fleet, printed in the * Memorials of Sir William Penn* (ii. 71, 86- 
88, 91, 95, 96), which also records his death. Shortly after leaving 
Hispaniola * Mr. Winslow began to grow bad in health, having 
complained a day or two before ; taking conceit (as his man 
affirms) at the Disgrace of the army on Hispaniola, to whom he 
told, it had broken his heart.' He died at sea on the evening of 
May 7, and on the following day * being put into a coffin, was 
heaved into the sea and had the solemnity of forty pieces of 
ordnance ' {ib. ii. 98 ; see also pp. 245, 270, post). No greater 
loss could have befallen the expedition than the de^th of the only 
man among its leadere who knew by practical experience how to 
lay the foundations of a colony. 

Daniel Searle, the fourth commissioner, was Governor of 
Barbadoes from its surrender to Sir George Ayscue in 1652 to the 
Restoration. He did not personally accompany the expedition. 

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bat his assistaDce was extremely valuable, not only in the island 
he governed, but in the West Indies in general. His letters in 
Thurloe's collection are one of the sources for the history of the 
expedition and colony. 

The fourth commissioner was Captain Gregory Butler. Of 
his earlier career little is known save the facts stated by himself in 
a petition addressed to the Council of State shortly before the 
Restoration. He had served under Essex, Sir William Waller, 
and Major-General Massey, until the disbanding of Massey*s forces, 
about the end of 1646 (Thurloe, vii. 912). After that he 
probably went to Barbadoes or some other West Indian colony, 
and it was doubtless his possession of some local knowledge which 
led to his appointment as a commissioner. In that capacity 
Butler proved of very little value. *We are like to have very 
little assistance from Captain Butler,* wrote Winslow in March 
1655, 'though we all persuade ourselves he is very honest; but 
hope, yea persuade ourselves, he will take with the better side in 
case of diflTerence of judgment ' (Thurloe, iii. 251). Lieutenant- 
Colonel Barrington also describes him as an honest man, but want 
of temper and discretion made him a hindrance rather than a 
help to his colleagues. * Truth is, I know not of what use he is, 
unless to make up a number,* wrote Major-General Fortescue. 

* If I may without offence speake it, he is the unfittest man for a 
commissioner I ever knew employed. I suppose his Highness and 
Councell had little knowledge of him * (ib. iii. 646, 650). Though 
urgently needed in Jamaica he persisted in leaving for England. 

• I confess I did not desire his stay for an opinion of any service he 
could do,' explained Fortescue, * but to make up the number of three 
[commissioners], for he may well be spared, his whole business 
having been to engender strife and create factions amongst the 
officers' (ib. iii. 675). When he went he refused to take part 
with the other commissioners in nominating a commander-in- 
chief to replace Venables (ib, iii. 681). In Butler's letter to 
the Protector, giving an account of the expedition, he attacks 

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Venables, Fortescue, and Holdipp, but does not explain the reasons 
why he came home (ib. iii. 754). Whatever they were, he 
escaped punishment, and, from the bitterness which Venables 
manifests against him, was no doubt one of the general's chief 
accusers (see pp. 60, 66, 104; * Portland Papers,' ii. 92; 
' Memorials of Sir W. Penn/ ii. 129). The Council of State even 
thought of sending Butler back to Jamaica, and he subsequently 
petitioned to be Governor of the island of Tortuga (* Cal. State 
Papers, Colonial,' 1574-1660, pp. 443, 448, 473, 477). 

In his narrative Venables lays great stress on the mischief 
caused by the interference of the commissioners. The proclama- 
tion against plunder, which caused so much discontent in the 
army, was decided upon by them against his repeated remonstrances 
(pp. 14, 24, 81, 94). His account of the widespread dissatisfaction 
which was its result is confirmed by every account of the expedition 
(pp. 150-152; 'Harleian Miscellany/ iii. 515; 'Seventh Report 
Hist. MSS. Comm. ' p. 572). It was attributed by the army in 
general to the influence of Winslow's * always unresistable affirma- 
tive' (Thurloe, iii. 505). Venables also complains of Captain 
Butler for forcing him to take as a guide against his better 
judgment a certain Irishman, who purposely misled the army in 
their march to San Domingo (pp. 26, 27). If Venables really 
suffered Butler to overrule him in this way it is a sufficient proof 
of his own incapacity as a commander; but it seems to be a 
worthless excuse. On the whole, the view that the failure of the 
expedition was caused by the interference of the commissioners is 
utterly untenable. Venables had sufficient authority if he had 
known how to use it. 

A far more serious obstacle to the success of the expedition than 
the necessity of consulting the cpmmissioners was the personal 
ill-feeling which sprang up between the admiral and the general. 
When the expedition started, Venables and Penn, at the desire of 
the former, entered into a solemn engagement. * I desired,' says 
Venables, * that there might be that joint affectionate assistance of 

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each to other in all things as might enable ourselves to discharge our 
trust, and discourage any that might endeavour to sow division 
betwixt us ' (p. 56). He protests that he was faithful to the spirit 
of this promise, and that no quarrel about precedency took place 
between himself and Penn (p. 78). It is pretty clear, however, 
that Penn himself was from the first disposed to jealousy and in- 
clined to resent supposed encroachments upon his authority. 
This is clearly shown by the letter which the Protector wrote to 
Penn just before the expedition set sail. After thanking him for 
his * care and industry in this business,' Cromwell continued : ' I 
doe humblye hope the Lord will have an eye upon this bussines, 
and will bless it, and therefore if it be his bussines, it will cer- 
tainely provoake every good heart to eye hym in it, and to be 
able to overcome everythinge in a man's owne heart that may any- 
wayes lye as an impediment in the way that may hinder the bring- 
inge of it to its perfection. And in this I have full assurance of 
you, notwithstandinge I have had some knowledge of a little dis- 
satisfaction remeyneinge with you, which I hope by this tyme 
wilbe removed, and I desire you it may be soe. You have your 
owne command full and entire to yourselfe, nothing interfeiringe 
with it, nor in the least lesseninge you. The command at land is 
alsoe distinct, and there the generall at land must exercise his 
authoritye, and thus I trust you will both consent to carry on the 
publique work without hesitation, and God forbid that anythinge 
in you or hym should in the least hinder that. I hope it shall not, 
and knowe assuredly upon the experience you have had of me, that 
I shall be as tender of your honour, and as sensible to uphold you 
in your quality, as you shalbe to desire me ' (* Report on the MSS. 
of the Duke of Portland,' ii. 88). 

The evidence of this letter is further confirmed by the letter 
which Winslow wrote to Thurloe from Barbadoes. ' When I wrote 
to you from Portsmouth I told you how easily that scare was cured 
betweene Venables and Penn, whose demeanor mutually towards 
every other at sea was sweet and hopefuU ; but the last of these 

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two gentlemen ia too apt to be taken with such concepts ; bat I 
trust all will be well ; onely I feare that going hence without our 
stores some occasion will arise of disturbance between the land and 
sea forces ' (Thurloe, iii. 249). 

This fear was justified, for it was precisely over this question 
of stores that frequent quarrels arose. Venables repeatedly refers 
to the subject in his narrative (pp. 34, 67, 69, 102). An additional 
cause of dispute arose when Penn claimed the disposal of the 
prizes taken at Barbadoes, and endeavoured to withdraw tl^e sale 
of prize goods from the control of his brother commissioners. 
Venables hints that this was done in order to embezzle some of 
the proceeds (pp. 10, 51-55). 

According to Venables, he urged Penn to land the troops at 
^ the city of San Domingo itself, but Penn refused to make the 

S attempt, alleging a non-existent boom as an obstacle (pp. 18, 22). 

There is no reference to this incident in other accounts of the 
expedition, but it is probable that Penn refused on the ground 
that he must have the harbour sounded first, for after that had 
been effected he was perfectly willing to make such an attempt, 
and proposed it of his own accord (' Memorials of Sir W. Penn,' ii. 
84, 93). In consequence of this, the army were obliged to land far 
to the westward of the town, and to make a long march through the 
woods before attacking it. For this Venables was greatly blamed, 
but he alleges that the landing at Point Nizao (instead of at Hina 
Bay, where Drake had formerly landed) was due to the absence of 
the guides, whom Penn had employed elsewhere, and to the negli- 
gence of Penn and Rear- Admiral Dakyns (pp. 18-20, 24, 79, 81, 
127, 151). The statement that the landing at so distant a place 
was due to the absence of the guides, is also made by Commissioner 
Butler and Major-General Fortescue (Thurloe, iii. 510, 650). 
Penn, on the other hand, explains that the wind and the sea rendered 
landing at the place originally chosen impossible. 

In a letter written on June 6 he says : * The place always 
intended for their landing being Hina Bay, some six or seven 


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miles west from the town, they could not approach nnto it (being 
a lee shore, and very full of rocks, and the breeze being that day 
very great and the sea much grown) ; so that they were necessi- 
tated to sail down further to leeward unto the next place, called 
Point Nicayo, which was more safe, but at least 8 leagues distant 
from Domingo/ *The Journal of every days Proceedings in 
the Expedition of the Fleet,' printed in the 'Memorials of Sir 
William Penn,' seems to show that the portion of the fleet sent 
to land the troops had no very definite instruction where to do 
so, and speaks of some transports * having no orders where the 
place of landing was, or what motion to observe on the flagships 
that went with them, concerning the same' (ii. 81, 82, 110). 

Penn retorted by bringing countercharges against Venables. 
He declared that he offered to assist in the capture of San 
Domingo with the fleet, but that his offers were rejected. * He had 
oflered them several times to do with the fleet what they could 
purpose or desire. He would undertake to batter and render 
unserviceable the fort (Jeronimo) in four hours ; that he would go 
in before the town with some ships, and batter that, and scour the 
walls, and clear the way for them to the gates ; nay, that he 
would land their men on the town quay.* These offers, made both 
before and after the failure of the second attack, were not 
accepted, and in spite of all he could say nothing could persuade 
Venables to make a third attempt (' Memorials of Sir William 
Penn,' ii. 85, 87, 88, 92-96 98). None of these offei-s of co- 
operation are mentioned in the narrative of Venables, but the fact 
that they were made was generally known at the time, and they 
are referred to in Whistler's Journal (pp. 152, 157-159, 160). 
Nor does Venables do justice to the great assistance given by 
Penn and the fleet in the attack on Jamaica (pp. 35, 137, 162).^ 

* It is evident thai the ill will which existed between their commanders spread 
to the soldiers and sailors, and that the sailors expressed open contempt for the 
soldiers and their leader (pp. 32, 56, 6d, 101 ; cf. Thurloe, iii. 507 ; Memorials of 
Sir William Penn, ii. 105. 

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The Pi*otector apparently regarded Penn and Venables as 
equally blameworthy, for he sent both to the Tower when they 
returned from Jamaica, on the ground that they had left their 
commands without leave, and he never employed either of them 
again. Venables gives a long account of his examinations and 
his imprisonment (pp. 75-87). He concludes by complaining 
bitterly that, whereas Penn had urged him *not to yield to 
acknowledge any fault,' and promised that he himself never would 
do so, the admiral, nevertheless, was the Urst to submit and 
obtain his liberty (p. 87). 

Mistakes in the conduct of the attack on Hispaniola, and 
quarrels between the leaders of the expedition were, however, not 
the only reason for its failure. The Protector's government was 
responsible for the errors in the organisation of the expedition, for 
its defective equipment, for the bad quality of the army placed 
under the command of Venables. The preparation of great 
expeditions beyond seas and the conditions of successful colonisa- 
tion were subjects of which the Protector's councillors knew 
little. But the carelessness and want of forethought shown in 
this particular instance were extremely discreditable to all 

The force with which Venables sailed from England consisted 
of five regiments of foot. A list of the oflScers of these regiments 
and of the general officers and staff, drawn up about December 
1654, is printed in the * Calendar of Colonial State Papers,' 1574- 
1674, Addenda, p. 90. A later list, drawn up in the following 
March, when the expedition left Barbadoes, is printed in this 
volume as Appendix B (p. 116). It is taken from the MSS. of 
the Duke of Portland, and the Society is indebted to Dr. Gardiner 
for a copy of it. 

In addition to these five regiments Venables had under his 
command a company of reformados, numbering 100 men (* Cal. 
State Papers, Dom.' 1654, p. 398) ; a troop of horse, consisting of 
60 men besides officers (ib. pp. 405, 410) ; about 50 artillerymen ; 


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and a company of 120 firelocks (see p. 122, post). It is possible, 
however, that the two last detachments may have been raised in 

It was originally intended by the Protector to send 3,000 men 
to the West Indies, but according to Venables the force which 
actually embarked was not more than 2,500 in number. The 
five regiments, therefore, must have numbered less than 500 
men apiece (pp. 9, 107). The colonels commanding these five 
regiments were Venables himself, Major-General James Heane, 
Colonel Richard Fortescue, Colonel Anthony BuUer, and Colonel 
Anthony Carter. All had seen considerable service, Heane had 
served chiefly in the West of England under Massey and other 
local commanders. From May 1645 to 1646 he was major in the 
regiment of horse commanded by Colonel FitzJames (* Cal. State 
Papers, Dom.' 1645-7, p. 488). In 1647 he was Governor of 
Weymouth. On May 22, 1650, he was authorised to raise a 
regiment of foot. In October 1651 he commanded the expedition 
which assisted Blake's fleet to reJuce Jersey (' Clarke Papers,* ii. 
228). Heane was an ardent Puritan, and his religious enthusiasm 
is freely express<^d in several letters contained in volume xvii. of 
the ' Clarke Papers ' in Worcester College Library. 

Fortescue was a still more experienced soldier. He had been 
a lieutenant-colonel of foot in the anuy under Essex at the begin- 
ning of the campaign of 1644, became colonel later in the year, 
and commanded a regiment in the New Model from 1645 to 1647. 
In the dispute between army and Parliament in the summer of 
1647 he took part with the latter, lost his commission, and was 
superseded by Colonel John Barkstead. Thus he had been for 
seven years unemployed when he was offered a command in the 
expedition. Owing to debts and a lawsuit, his private aflairs 
were in a very unsatisfactory condition, and it is evident that the 
hope of obtaining the payment of the an'ears due to him for former 
services was one of his motives for accepting the offer (Thurloe, 
iii. 649, 675). Another motive was religious zeal. ' We have 

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encoantered and waded throagh many hardships and diflSculties/ 
he wrote from Jamaica, ' bat all's nothing so as we may be instru- 
mental to propagate the gospel' (ib. iii. 651). When Heane was 
killed Fortescue succeeded him as major-general, and on June 24, 
1655, he succeeded Yenables as Commander-in-Chief, but as 
Commissioner Butler refused his concurrence the validity of the 
appointment was rather doubtful (ib, iii. 581, 650, 681). It is 
one of the points upon which Venables thinks it necessary to 
defend his action (pp. 66, 103). Fortescue was highly commended 
by Cromwell for accepting the responsibility. * I do commend,' 
wrote the Protector, * in the midst of others miscarriages, your 
constancy and faithfulness to your trust in every [place] where you 
are, and taking care of a company of poore sheepe left by their 
shepheards ; and be assured that as that which you have done hath 
been good in itselfe, and becomeinge an honest man, so it hath a 
very good savour here with all good Christians and all true 
Englishmen, and will not be forgotten by me, as opportunitie 
shall serve ' (Thurloe, iv. 633). Fortescue was a popular oflScer, 
and in one of his letters to the Protector says, * I have reason to 
thank God for the large interest I have in the affections of the 
army, without which I should have no desyre of governinge such a 
body, being left in such disadvantages ' (t6. iii. 675 ; cf. iii. 159). 
He died in October 1655, a few days after the arrival of Major 
Sedgwick with reinforcements from England (ih. iv. 153). 

Several petitions addressed by his widow to Cromwell and to 
Charles II. are among the State Papers (' Cal. State Papers, 
Dom.' 1655-6, pp. 246, 292; * Cal. State Papers, Col.' 1661-8, 
p. 52). 

Anthony BuUer, the colonel of the fourth regiment, seems to 
have served in the Parliamentary forces in the West of England 
during the First Civil War. He was Governor of Scilly after the 
capture of the islands by Batten in September 1646, but two years 
later his men mutinied and declared for Charles II. (cf. p. 93 ; 
* Cal. Clarendon Papers,' i. 332). After that he remained for some 

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time unemployed. In the spring of 1654 a French physician 
called Naadin on behalf of de Baas, the French agent in England, 
applied to Buller in order to get up a mutiny among the discon- 
tented portion of the army, but Buller revealed the intrigue to 
the government (Thurloe, ii. 352 ; cf. Gardiner, * Commonwealth 
and Protectorate,' ii. 437). To this possibly he owed his employ- 
ment in the expedition. Buller is thus characterised by Scout- 
master Berkenhead in a letter from Barbadoes : * The gentleman 
himself is stout, 1 jves applause and flattery, and if there be any 
persons that would seeme to disrelish our general's proceedings, 
something he hath to say on their behalfs, and all the reason I 
could ever find, he judgeth himself the elder collonel' (Thurloe, 
iii. 159). Veaables complains that Buller intrigued with Com- 
missioner Butler and some discontented officers against him after 
the army had landed in Jamaica (pp. 61-66). He also states that 
the failure of the first attempt to take the city of St. Domingo was 
partly caused by BuUer's disobedience to his orders, which were 
that Buller was not to advance against the city afler landing, but 
to wait till the rest of the army came up (pp. 21, 22, 27, 30). On 
the other hand, Buller is very warmly defended by Lieutenant- 
Colonel Barrington of his own regiment, and was selected by the 
council of officers in July 1655 to repretent the wants of the army 
to the Protector. ' My coUonel,' says Barrington, * is ordered by 
the councill of the army to wayt on his Highness on our behalfe ; 
be is a gentleman of experienced fidelitie to us, and hath stood up 
faythfully for the advancement of the present expedition, yet what- 
soever he or the other two collonels sayd or desyred, yet the 
general would do what he pleased ' (Thurloe, iii. 647). In this 
letter and in a long and valuable narrative, printed in the ^ Seventh 
Report of the Historical MSS. Commission,' (pp. 571-5), Barring- 
ton explains Buller's part in the expedition, and alleges that if his 
advice had been followed by Venables the result would have been 
more successful than it was. Cromwell, at all events, appears to 
have been fairly satisfied with BuUer's conduct. 

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Andrew Carter, the colonel of the fifth regiment, was an officer 
of less ability than Fortescue or Bailer, and one of whom the 
accounts of the expedition say very little. He had been lieutenant- 
colonel of Lambert's foot regiment when Cromwell invaded 
Scotland, but left the army in disgrace about July 1651. 
* Lieutenant-Colonel Carter,' says a letter from Cornet Baynes 
dated July 5, ' is gone off, and will not stay till his articles come 
forth.' ^Tippling/ according to Baynes was the main charge 
against him (* Letters from Roundhead officers in Scotland,' Ban- 
matyne Club, pp. 13, 26). Carter bad presumably cured himself 
of this fault ; certainly no such charge is alleged against him in 
1655, and he is vaguely praised as setting a godly example 
(Thurloe, iii. 159). He died about the same time as Fortescue 
(Thurloe, iv. 153, 455). 

Among the staff officers and regimental officers there were 
a considerable number of veterans, and a certain number of men 
of ability. None were taken, says Venables, but such as had good 
recommendations from ministers of state or officers of the army 
(p. 91). * There were some godly men, eminent for their piety and 
valour and services in their country . . . and the major part of 
the officers were civil,' i e. well conducted, ' though not able and fit 
for employment . . . though they had good men to recommend 
them, as is said, and had served the state' (p. 92). In another 
passage he complains of ' lazy dull officers that have a large portion 
of pride, but not of wit, valour, or activity ' (p. 50). * We had,' says 
Captain How, ' a great many of bad commanders as well as bad 
soldiers ' (pp. 41, 42). Adjutant-General Jackson was an example 
(pp. 33, 92). The chief fault of the officers was their neglect to 
maintain discipline among their men ; they admonished when they 
ought to have punished (pp. 84, 1 01 ; but see pp. 45, 91). * There 
is no discipline at all, but every one doth what he lists, and the 
officers as bad as the men,' was the explanation of the defeat in 
Hispaniola which was given by an officer ' (* Memorials of Sir W. 
Penn,' ii. 00). As the burden of the fighting and the fatigues of 

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the campaign fell heaviest on the best officers, death very rapidly 
reduced the nnmber of capable and trustworthy officers, and their 
places were difficult to fill. * We cannot but be sensible/ wrote 
Vice- Admiral Goodson and Major Sedgwick to i^e Protector in 
January 1656, * of the state and quality of the commanders in 
general, men of no great high natural parts, and by much and long 
sickness parts and qualities both impaired and weakened ' (Thurloe, 
iv. 457). 

The greatest difficulty Venables had to contend with, and the 
greatest defect in the organisation of the expedition, was the 
inferior quality of the soldiers comprising his army. He wished, 
as he tells us, that the soldiers intended for the expedition should 
be drawn from the Irish Army, and it would have been better 
if the Protector and his council had accepted this proposal. It 
was quite feasible, for the army in Ireland was larger than 
necessary, and both in 1653 and in 1655 many regiments were 
disbanded (see Ludlow's * Memoirs,' ii. 360, 41 5, ed. 1894). I^bably 
the plan was rejected because the Protector for political reasons 
desired to settle these disbanded soldiers in Ireland. Whatever the 
motive, the nucleus of old soldiers required for the army placed 
under the command of Venables was supplied, not by volunteers, 
but by drafts fi*om the regiments in England, where a similar 
reduction of forces was taking place. The men thus drafted were 
naturally, as Venables points out, not the best men in the regiments 
but ' the most abject in all companies, and raw fellows that werd 
freely taken in to save their old standers' (pp. 5, 91, 100). The 
number of men thus brought together was not more than 2,000, 
and probably less. There are orders respecting their pay among 
the State Papers, but no precise statement there as to their number 
(* Cal. State Papers, Dom.' 1654, pp. 397, 400, 404). • We had not 
above one thousand old soldiers in our army,' says Captain How 
(p. 44). The deficiency was supplied, according to one account, 
by impressing recruits of the most unpromising kind. 

* Drums were also beaten up for such voluntary soldiers as were 

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willing to serve the commonwealth beyond sea ; which gave 
encouragement to several who go by the name of hectors, and 
knights of the blade, with common cheats, thieves, cutpnrses, and 
such like lewd persons, who had long time lived by the sleight of 
hand, and dexterity of wit, and were now making a fair progress 
unto Newgate, from whence they were to proceed towards Tyburn ; 
but, considering the dangerousness of that passage, very politicly 
directed their course another way, and became soldiers for the state. 
Some sloathful and thievish servants likewise, to avoid the punish- 
ment of the law, and coveting a yet more idle life followed after in 
the same path; there were also drawn forth, out of most of the old 
standing regiments, such as were newly enlisted, to complete the 
number. For those who were better principled, and knew what 
fighting was, were (as it should seem) reserved for a better purpose, 
some few only excepted ; which were as a mixture of little wine 
with much water, the one losing its proper strength and vigour, 
and the other thereby little bettered ' (* Harleian Miscellany,* iii. 

Such being the composition of the force he brought with him 
from England, Venables was justified in the complaints he makes 
in his narrative (pp. 40, 42, 44, 02, 93). He repeats them in a 
letter to Thurloe on June 13, 1655, saying : ' I am confident had wee 
raised men all over England at the adventure, wee should have 
been better fitted than by those assigned us' (Thurloe, iii. 545). 
All the field ofiicers of the army in their representation of July 18 
make a similar complaint (ib. ii. 661 ; p. 65, post). 

The haste with which this miscellaneous collection of men was 
embarked increased the difficulty of organising an army out of 
them. Venables complains that no general muster of the army 
before its embarkation was permitted (p. 6). There was but little 
time for drilling them, and they ai*e summarily described as * raw 
and unexercised' (p. 100). At Barbadoes the soldiers were 
drilled twice a week (p. 12 ; cf. Thurloe, iii. 158), but there is no 
record of any instruction being given them during the voyage. 

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ludeed, they were embarked in sach a hurry that the oflScers were 
frequently separated from their men, and from their baggage 
(pp. 6, 68). On this point the narrative of Venables is confirmed 
by Lieut.-Col. Harrington's account of his own experience. 

*The 15th of December, 1654, we marched from our settled 
quarters (which was Chichester) towai'ds Portsmouth, but lay still 
that night, and the next day, being the Sabbath, the 17th of the 
same, we marched again for Portsmouth, where we immediately em- 
barked and very willingly, but some of the regiments so unwilling 
that Major General Disborowe his horse forced them aboard ; the 
soldiers being shipped the officers employed themselves in getting 
themselves aboard likewise, but General Disborowe was so strict 
(not giving us eighteen hours) that many officers and the goods of 
others were left behind, not seeing servants nor goods imtil we 
came into the Barbados ; for my own part I saw not Dick nor any 
of my things until we arrived in the forementioned port, but was 
forced to borrow shifts of the Capt. of the ship. This sudden 
unexpectedness of time put the officers into great disorder by con- 
straining them to go in other vessels after their men, which very 
probably might have been of dangerous consequence, for the 
private men were much discontented at their officers' absence, 
seeing neither money nor officers they concluded they were thither 
brought to be sold to some foreign prince. My own company with 
two more (aboard the vessel I came hither) were resolved to force 
themselves ashore on the Isle of Wight if I had not come to them 
as I did, but being with them all was very well and quiet the whole 

At Barbadoes between 3,000 and 4,000 more men were raised, 
of whom Lieut.-Col. Barrington gives the following account : 

* Being well settled in our respective quarters, we had command 
given us to entertain all men that were willing to engage in the 
present expedition ; accordingly we obeyed, but the inhabitants 
finding themselves much grieved (and not without a cause), they 
complained that they should be utterly ruined in case their servants 

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were taken from them, they being their livelihood. Upon this 
complaint our grandees (I mean the commissioners) ordered that 
no oflScer whatsoever, upon pain of loss of place, should detain any 
man's servant that had above nine months to serve, and for the 
future to entertain none other but freemen, and such servants as 
came within the afore-mentioned limitation, all whic)i was done 
intentionally to complete every regiment up to a thousand before 
we marched from the island ; the doing of this hath much injured 
poor people, even to their undoing, and prejudiced many of the 
rich, some losing ten servants, some fifteen, some more, some less, 
none escaping us ; therefore most men will conjecture, hearing of 
it, that we dealt very severely with our countrymen ; their whole 
estates lay in the good stock of servants, therefore to take them 
away, I must confess, was a great piece of cruelty. Sir, the 
gentlemen of the island did desire several times to know how many 
men we wanted, with all making it their further request that they 
might have liberty to raise them for us, and that we should have no 
trouble in it, and every inhabitant satisfied, no one bearing a 
greater burthen than another ; but this was not accepted of, but 
left to the discretion of our officers, who endeavoured to get as 
many men as they could, not valuing who was undone. Such was 
the irregularity of this carriage that many lost all their servants, 
and others but few (if any) who far exceeded the former in estates 
ten times over, and I may say without lying, ten times more ' 
C Seventh Eep. Hist. MSS. Comm.' p. 572). 

Besides these indented servants a number of freemen were 
enlisted ' which were a greater loss to some than their servants.* 
These were voluntary emigrants who formed the free serving class 
in the colony. * They are such who served in the country for their 
freedom, or paid their passage when transported from England ; 
such as these might be freely entertained without control, yet the 
going off of these was very prejudiciall to most, they owing much 
and not giving any satisfaction, neither was there any care taken 
that they should satisfy their creditors ' Q Seventh Rep. Hist. MSS. 

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Comm.' p. 572). Colonel Modyford, while mentioning the loss the 
colony suffered in these ways, says plainly that it was not the faalt 
of the commissioners, but due to the refusal of the local govern- 
ment to assist them in levying men at Barbadoes. * Notwithstand- 
ing this the Commissioners did restore all servants that could be 
found, and all indebted men they had notice of (Thnrloe, iii. 620 ; 
cf. iii. 250, iv. 7, 39). 

The men thus raised at Barbadoes, and those of the same sort 
levied in the other islands, were, as might have been expected, very 
inferior fighting material. Venables describes them as * being 
only bold to do mischief, not to be commanded as soldiers, nor to 
be kept in any civil order; being the most profane debauched 
persons that ever we saw, scomers of religion, indeed men so loose 
as not to be kept under discipline and so cowardly as not to be 
made to fight * (p. 30). Penn and the other commissioners, echoed 
this condemnation in a letter to the Governor of Barbadoes (p. 30). 
Captain How's remarks are still more emphatic (pp. 40, 44). 
Whistler's description of Barbadoes, 'the dunghill whereon 
England doth cast forth its rubbish ' (p. 146), is a sufficient 
explanation of the character of these recruits. 

The men raised at Barbadoes were for the most part in- 
corporated in the five infantry regiments Venables brought with 
him, thus raising their numbers to 900 or 1,000 apiece. The rest 
were formed into a separate regiment under the command of 
Colonel Lewis Morris, a Barbadian planter. At the last moment, 
however, Morris declined to go on the expedition unless his debts 
were paid by the State. * He told us in plaine terms, if we would 
give him an hundred thousand weight of sugar, that so he might 
pay his debts, and leave his estate cleere to his wife, then Lewis 
Morris would shed his blood for us.' Venables and the commis- 
sioners rejected this proposal, but persuaded him to conceal his 
intention till his regiment was on board, which he consented to do 
(Thuiloe, vi. 158. 250). On the resignation of Morris, Venables 
gave the command of the regiment to his own lieutenant-colonel, 

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Edward D*Oyley, Governor of Jamaica from November 1655 to 
December 1656, and again from September 1657 to the Restoration. 
In a letter to the Protector, written in June 1656 asking to be 
conGrmed as Governor, D'Oyley gives the following accoant of 
himself. * I am a gentleman of no inconsiderable family, but 
persecuted theis many years for the cause of religion. . . . My 
education at the Inns of Court, togeather with my continual! 
employments, not meane ones, in civill and martiall affairs these 
fowerteene yeares past, may have given me experimentall 
abilities enough to performe the charge heere as commander-in- 
cheife of the forces, or governor, if I am allowed to be indued 
with common parts. . . . That though I have not I have been 
satisfied in all revolutions of late tymes ; yet upon your highness 
being made protector, I did quit a good employment in Ireland, 
and publiquely declared to Lieut.-Gen. Ludlowe and others, that 
I would goe for England, and live and dye in your interest' 
(Thurloe, v. 138). In another letter written in September 1657 
D'Oyley describes himself as in his fortieth year, so that he was 
born about 1617. The early services to which he refers I have 
not yet succeeded in tracing. D'Oyley's part in the attack on 
Hispaniola and the early occurrences at Jamaica was not very 
prominent or important, but from November 1655 to the Restora- 
tion he is the principal figure in the history of the colony. Some 
of his papers descended to Long, the historian of Jamaica, and 
are now in the British Museum (Add. MSS. 12423, 12410, 
1241 1). They contain a list of commissions granted by him, and 
a number of miscellaneous orders which throw a good deal of 
light on the early life of the colony. 

Besides filling up the ranks of the five regiments, and raising 
a sixth infantry regiment, a small number of horse were also 
got together. 

Captain Henry Jones and the troop of 60 horse which were to 
have accompanied the expedition from England did not reach 
Barbadoes with the rest of the fleet. It was at first reported that 

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he was dead, but finally discovered that * he being embarked in 
the " Little Charity," with his horses, was driven into Ireland, and 
detained there for some time by contrary winds ' (* Cal. State 
Papers, Dom.' 1655, p. 433; 'Mercurius Politicus,' pp. 5320, 
5372). To replace Jones's troop two small troops of hoi*se were 
raised at Barbadoes, viz. a troop of 60 horse equipped and 
mounted at the cost of the island, and 30 gentlemen who ' came 
in with their horses and servants as a lifeguard to General Ven- 
ables' (ib. p. 5341 ; Thurloe, iii. 621). The first troop was com- 
manded by Captain Philip Carpenter (see pp. 31, 122); the 
second by Captain Heane, son of the Major-General (' Report on 
the Portland MSS.' ii. 90 ; Thurloe, iii. 514). The total, added to 
the few of Jones's troopers who had not shared the disaster of 
their captain, made up 121 horse, besides officers (p. 122). 

At Barbadoes also the artillery of the expedition, such as it 
was, was completed. A small mortar-piece was borrowed, as the 
mortars intended to accompany Venables had been left behind in 
the 'Great Charity' (Thurloe, iii. 506). According to the 
pamphlet by I. S. wooden mortars were actually made, though 
they never appear to have been used (* Harleian Miscellany,' iii. 
515). The artillery train also included two 'drakes.' but nothing 
is heard of any other field guns. Captain Hughes was the 
commander of the train (Thurloe, iii. 507 ; iv. 611 ; see also pp. 
28, 82, 132, post). 

In addition to these forces a seventh regiment of foot was raised 
in St. Christopher's and the Leeward Islands. Captain Gregory 
Butler, one of the commissioners, Captain Edward Blagge, of the 
Marston Moor, and Richard Holdipp, Lieutenant-Colonel of Fortes- 
cue's regiment, were dispatched from Barbadoes in February for 
the pui'pose. At Antigua they obtained only a couple of pilots. 
At Mountserrat they levied 80 men. At Nevis 300 men were 
enlisted in one day. At St. Christopher's 800 or 900 more were 
procured. In all about 1,200 men were got together, according 
to Butler's computation,* and shipped on board the fleet about 

» I. S. boldJy Bays 1,800. Harleian Miscellany, iii. 615. ^^ ^ 

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April 7 (Thurloe, iii. 142, 158, 505, 754; see also pp. 30, 149, 
post). This was at least 200 more than the commissioners were 
instructed to raise, and considering the shortness of provisions and 
arms, the additional men were rather a difficulty than a help. 
Butler states that he made this objection, but was overruled by 
his brother commissioners and by Fortescue. Holdipp's ambition 
was the cause. ' For by this means Holdept thought that he 
might have the command of a reggemente, whoe indeed never 
merited a company.' So it fell out. * The Generall,' says Butler, 
' made Holdept colonel contrary to the advice of the Major- 
Generall of blessed memory, and contrary to all the officers of the 
armey, and thereby contrary to my one mind, whoe shall never 
endure such base covetuose Matchavells * (Thurloe, iii. 755). 

On the other hand, Holdipp had been specially recommended for 
employment as a commissioner by a committee of merchants and 
others acquainted with the West Indies, and evidently possessed 
some knowledge of the colonies. He had once been Governor of 
the English colony at Surinam, but had returned to England 
before 1654 (Thurloe, ii. 543; iv. 157). It was owing no 
doubt to his local knowledge that Venables relied upon his advice, 
and as Lieut. -Col. Barrington complained, *took Holdepp to be of 
his cabinett counsell (who hath been a very ill member to this 
army ' (ih. iii. 647 ; cf. * Seventh Report Hist. MSS. Comm.'p. 575). 
On May 19 Venables made him colonel of the regiment late 
Major-General Heane's, and the St. Christopher's regiment was 
shortly afterwards reduced (Thurloe, iii. 661). Whatever his 
defects as a soldier, Holdipp understood colonisation, and when the 
army at Jamaica took to planting, he was ' the best and most 
forward planter.' About June 1656, however, * upon articles 
preferred against him by his lieutenant-colonel for detaineing the 
dues of the regiment etc.,' he was sentenced to be ' totally 
casheired,' hnd returned to England (Thurloe, v. 152). It was 
reported in 1657 that the Protector intended to send him back to 
Jamaica, but Lieu tenant-General Brayne advised against it, as a 

N^ Digitized by VjOOQIC 


thing * which will breed great disturbance here, he is so extremely 
hated for his cruelties and oppression, which they say he hath 
executed in the Indies' (ib. vi. 391). He did not return, but 
probably entered the Venetian service, obtaining a recom- 
mendatory letter to that government from the Protector on April 
20, 1658 (lb. vii. 83). 

Taking all these additional forces into account, it is evident 
that Venables must have had a considerable army under his 
command by the time he reached the coast of Hispaniola. He says 
himself that he brought 2,500 men with him, and Winslow, 
writing from Barbadoes on March 30, says that the 2,500 men 
had been made up there to 6,000 (Thurloe, iii. 325, 500). 
According to Venables there landed at Hispaniola in all 6,551, and 
he asserts that this was the highest number he ever had (pp. 94, 
97, 99). On the other hand, a muster of the army taken on March 
26, 1655, just before leaving Barbadoes, gives a total of 6,973 
officers and men (see p. 122, post). Holdipp's regiment from St. 
Kitts, which joined a few days later, and consisted of from 1 ,000 
to 1,200 men, made up the total to over 8,000. Moreover, there 
was also the sea regiment, consisting of 1,080 (or 1,200) sailors 
from the fleet, who had been drilled and formed into a regiment 
during the stay at Barbadoes (Thurloe, iii. 158 ; cf. * Memorials 
of Sir William Penn,' ii. 68, 73, 75, 80). Penn, in explaining 
the rapid consumption of the provisions on board the fleet, 
incidentally remarks ' the soldiers landed at Hispaniola, being 
besides the sea regiment, at least 8,000 * (ih, ii. 111). 

The author of the narrative and letter printed in Appendix 
D gives the total force landing at Hispaniola as 8,000 exclusive 
of the sea regiment, which he puts at 1,000 men, making a total 
of 9,000. In one passage he even states the total as 9,500 (pp. 
127, 129, 136). From all these different pieces of evidence it 
seems clear that Venables in his defence greatly understates the 
number of the forces under his command. It seems impossible to 
doubt that he had 8,000 men, without counting the sea regiment. 

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Venables also understates his losses at Hispaniola. I. S., 
wiiose pamphlet he endeavours to refute, asserts that by a general 
muster taken at the end of April or early in May, it was found 
that of 9,700 men landed originally (including the sea regiment) 
only about 8,000 remained (^Uarleian Miscellany,' iii. 516). 
While 9,700 is certainly too large a figure, and therefore to put 
the loss at 1,700 is putting it much too high, it is pretty clear that 
Venables goes to the other extreme in declaring that he only lost 
700 men there (pp. 97, 99). The losses in the fighting on April 
17 and April 25 were certainly heavy, though the number is 
nowhere very definitely stated. In the second repulse about 300 
or 400 men are said to have been killed or mortally wounded (pp. 
27, 29, 131, 133, 159 ; ' Clarke Papers,' iii. 56, 57 ; ' Memorials of 
Sir William Penn,' ii. 90 ; Thurloe, iii. 506). In addition to this, 
a considerable number died of their wounds, and still more from 
disease occasioned by insufficient food and exposure to the 
weather (pp. 135, 156, 160). The two narratives in the Appendix 
both estimate the total loss in Hispaniola at 1,000 men (pp. 135, 
159), and Lieut.-Col. Barrington says * I am confident we lost 1,000 
men at least in that island,' adding that the sea regiment alone 
lost 116 men before April 28 Q Seventh Rep. Hist. MSS. Comm.' p. 

Deducting his losses at Hispaniola, therefore, Venables probably 
landed at Jamaica about 7,000 men, not counting the sea regiment. 
This is the figure given by I. S. and by the author of the narrative 
in Appendix D (pp. 99, 136). Venables makes a feeble attempt 
to refute this by repeating again the enx)neous statement that he 
never had more than 6551 men, adding that ten weeks after the 
landing at Jamaica, ' which was our first muster,' he had over 
5,800 men. As the landing at Jamaica was on May 10, the 
muster referred to must have taken place about July 20, by which 
time the loss from sickness had been very great (pp. 48, 49, 67, 
140, 166). During the next three months the deaths from disease 
were still more numerous. * Still halfe our armie lies sicke and 

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helpless/ says a letter dated November 5, 1655 (p. 142). A 
muster taken in November 1655 gives a total of 2,194 men well 
and 2,316 sick, besides 173 women and children. But from these 
4,510 men most be deducted 790 belonging to the regiment of 
Colonel Humphreys, which had just arrived from England with 
Sedgwick, so that of the 7,000 men who landed in May, only 
3,720 were still alive ('Cal. State Papers, Colonial,' Addenda, 
p. 105). 

The great mortality among the soldiers and the disasters 
which befell the expedition were due to want of foresight and care 
in its equipment as well as to the errors of its commander and the 
officers under him. The arrangements for the expedition seem to 
have been in the hands of a committee appointed in August 1654, 
consisting chiefly of merchants and sea-captains possessing special 
knowledge of the West Indies. Of this committee ' for the 
manageing the Southerne expedition,' both Venables and Penn 
were members (p. 108). Specimens of its recommendations are 
printed in Thurloe's 'State Papers' (ii. 543; iii. 203), but the 
earliest and most important papers relative to the equipment of the 
expedition are not to be found either there or among the Domestic 
or Colonial State Papers. General Uisbrowe, the Protector's 
brother-in-law, seems to have been the man chiefly trusted with 
the duty of seeing these recommendations carried out, and with 
the general supervision of the preparations for the expedition 
(Thurloe, iii. 11 ; cf. 'Cal. State Papers, Dom.' 1654, p. 414). 

Whether it was the fault of Disbrowe or the committee, the 
equipment of the expedition was in every way defective. 
Venables asserts that the provisions supplied for the expedition 
were insufficient in amount and inferior in quality. ITie deficiency 
in quantity, which is amply proved, was partly due to the fact that 
a number of the storeships were left behind when the fleet started, 
and detained by the weather when they should have set out to 
follow it (pp. 6, 7). They did not join till the expedition had 
landed at Jamaica. The * Recovery,' the ' William,' the * Augus- 

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tine ' and the ' Morning Star ' arrived at Barbadoes after Venablea 
had left (Thorloe, iii. 499). Though the * William ' and ' Recovery ' 
arrived on May 19 at Jamaica {ib, iv. 28 ; ' Memorials of Sir W. 
Penn,' ii. Ill), 'The bread they brought/ wrote Venables and 
Butler, * is so inconsiderable that it will but serve the army 22 days 
at half allowance ' (Thurloe, iii. 510). In another letter he says these 
two ships brought ' some biscuit which we extremely want, but the 
fleet claim it as theirs, and then we starve' (Carte, 'Original 
Letters,' ii. 50). On June 4, the two others, the * Augustine ' and 
* Edward ' arrived at Jamaica, but the fifth, the ' Morning Star,' 
was too leaky to get beyond Barbadoes and her lading had to be 
transferred ('Memorials of Sir William Penn,' ii. 112). 

At the same time there were complaints of the unsoundness of 
the stores originally supplied, which Venables attributes to the 
deliberate neglect or corruption of Disbrowe (p. 4 ; cf . ' Memorials 
of Sir William Penn,' ii. 67). It was necessary, because of the 
insufficiency of the stores on board the fleet, to buy provisions at 
Barbadoes, and the only provisions to be purchased there consisted 
of a stock sent thither for sale by the Victuallers of the Navy. 
These provisions were ofthe most inferior quality (pp. 8, 12-13, 43), 
and so insufficient in quantity that on the short voyage from Bar- 
badoes to Jamaica the soldiers were put on half rations. By the time 
they landed they were greatly weakened by their bad diet, and 
unfit to face the hardships to which they were exposed (p. IS). 

Venables was blamed for staying so long at Barbadoes that he 
lost the best season for attacking Hispaniola and gave the 
Spaniards time to prepare for his coming, but the absence of his 
storeships obliged him either to wait for them or to obtain fresh 
supplies (pp. 79, 93, 100). But he was not obliged to levy more 
men than he could feed, and it would have been far better if, 
instead of the 5,000 men he did raise in the West Indies, he had 
contented himself with half that number (cf. ' Memorials of Sir W. 
Penn,' ii. 72). 

During the three weeks the army was on shore at Hispaniola 

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it continued to snffer for want of food, not so much because of the 
insufficiency of provisions on board the fleet as on account of 
defects in the arrangements for their distribution to the troops (pp. 
21, 32, 43, 45, 94, 127, 132, 134). The soldiers were finally re- 
duced to eat dogs and horses, and many died of bad or poisonous food 
(pp. 34, 44, 98, 135). Venables attributes the lack of provisions 
to the ill-will of Pennand the navy (pp. 34, 44, 98, 135, 160), but 
it is evident both from Whistler's narrative and other sources that 
Penn was less to blame than the general asserts (pp. 153, 155 ; 
' Memorials of Sir W. Penn,' ii. 81, 83, 84, 86). 

After the landing in Jamaica there was a similar scarcity of 
bread and biscuit, which were supplied from the fleet * with a strait 
and a slack hand, and also very bad ' (pp. 40, 41, 47, 48, 67-69 ; 
cf. ' Memorials of Sir W. Penn,' ii. 100, 105). At first the de- 
ficiency was supplied with fresh meat, as cattle were abundant in 
Jamaica, and the Spaniards agreed to send in a certain number 
every day while the treaty lasted. After the treaty was broken 
ofi* the cattle became more and more difficult to procure, and were 
driven into the woods by the soldiers who chased them (pp. 36, 39, 
41, 45, 58, 164-166). Meat grew scarcer and scarcer; once more 
the soldiers ate dogs, horses, mules, roots, raw fruit, and disease 
naturally followed (pp. 45, 48, 141, 166). But while the want of 
bread and biscuit was due to the insufficiency of the supplies pro- 
vided by the government in England, the want of meat was due to 
the incapacity of the commanders of the army. There were plenty 
of cattle in Jamaica, and the army, as I. S. observed, was ' starv- 
ing in a cook's shop ' (* Uarleian Miscellany,' iii. 522). Lieut.- 
Col. Barrington gives a similar account of the sufferings of the 
soldiers for the want of provisions. Writing on July 14, 1655, 
he says, * The army is at present in a very sad condition, we have 
no bread allowed us, and flesh we have not received any these four 
days . . . meat here is enough in the island, but the disorder of 
the army at the first of our coining hath brought us to these wants ' 
(* Seventh Rep. Hist. MSS. Comm.' p. 575). 

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Another defect in the provisioning of the expedition of which 
Venables repeatedly speaks is the want of brandy. * Our men,' he 
writes, * die daily for want of it/ though it was alleged that thei'e 
was plenty of it on board the fleet which the naval authorities 
refused to let the army share (pp. 48, 49, 59, 67). 

Medical stores in general seem to have been deficient, and the 
sick and wounded were greatly neglected. Very little is heard of 
surgeons or physicians, but probably the army had the usual 
establishment of one per regiment, with a couple of assistants or 
mates (pp. 11, 32, 63; cf. * Report on the Duke of Portland's 
MSS.' ii. 92, 93, 95, 96). The results of this deficiency in surgeons 
and medicines were aggravated by the neglect of ordinary sanitary 
precautions in the quarters occupied by the army at Jamaica (pp. 
142, 143). Lieut.-Col. Barrington gives further details on this 
subject in his letter of July 14, 1655. ' The plague is very much 
feared here, and doubtless (without God's preventing mercy) will 
come in sore amongst us, for the scents are here so noisome that in 
some parts of this town a man is not able to walk, and all occa- 
sioned by ourselves in letting our men some of them lie above 
ground, and others buried so shallow underground that they 
already scent through; besides this we offend our quarters very 
much by our nastiness and throwing the garbage of our cattle in 
inconvenient places, all which doth at present very much annoy us, 
being little course taken for preventing the like future incon- 
venience' (* Seventh Rep. Hist. MSS. Comm.' p. 574). 

To return to the defects in the original equipment of the 
expedition. Not only provisions, but arms were wanting. Ven- 
ables justly complains of the insufficiency and inferior quality of 
the weapons with which the men were armed. Not 1,600 of his 
men, he wrote from Barbadoes in February, were well armed : their 
arms in general were ' extreme bad ' and most of the arms ' unfixed ' 
(pp. 6, 12, post). This refers to the firearms, mostly matchlocks, 
with which they were equipped. 

The commissionera expected to obtain 1,500 additional muskets 

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«t Barbadoes, bnt they proved difBcalt to get there (pp. 9, 4dj. 
This statement is confirmed by (Commissioner Winslow (Thurloe, 
iii. 250) ; but eventually the required 1,500 were obtained by 
borrowing from the Barbadoes trained bands (ib. iii. 621). 'For 
fire arms,' confesses Lieut.-Col. Barrington, * we took them where 
we could find them, without giving any satisfaction to the owners ' 
(* Seventh Rep. Hist. MSS. Comm.' p. 572). A certain number 
were also apparently obtained firom the fleet, though not nearly 
sufficient (Thurloe, iii. 158). In addition to this the quantity of 
powder, shot, and match provided for the expedition was very 
insufficient, and little could be obtained either from the fleet or the 
island (p. 9, 11, post). 

Other arms were equally deficient both in quantity and quality. 
Venables had not sufficient pikes to equip the portion of his 
regiments requiring them. He attempted, as he states, to obtain 

* lances ' from the navy, but Penn would not let him have them, 
although they had been put on board for the soldiers as much as 
for the sailors (pp. 12, 14). Accordingly he was obliged to set all 
the smiths in Barbadoes to work to make half-pikes, of which 2,500 
were thus procured. Scoutmaster Birkenhead describes them as 

* half-pikes, though at a larger length than ordinary, for they are 
ten foot long ; many of them (which may cause your wonder) are 
made of cabadge stalks, I mean of the trees in Barbadoes, which 
bear cabages, and that for lack of better wood* (Thurloe, iii. 159, 
621). These were poor weapons to oppose to the formidable 
Spanish lances, so much dwelt upon by the narrators of the 
expedition (see pp. 155-8, post). I. S. observes : * The disequality 
betwixt the English pikes and Spanish lances was such, that the 
one being over long, and top-heavy, could not be managed with 
that dexterity and to so good a purpose (especially in narrow ways 
and woods, as the lance, which is about three quarters of that 
length ' : neither are the English half-pikes of sufficient length 
to reach these lances : the Spaniards also (by often use and 

• Twelve as against sixteen feet long. 

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practice) become more expert in the use of these weapons than 
Englishmen, who (although perhaps old soldiers) never made nse of 
pike or lance, except against horses ' (* Harleian Miscellany/ iii. 517). 

One more defect there was in the equipment of the English 
soldiers, and that the most fatal of all. They had no water-bottles. 
Venables does not mention this in his letters from Barbadoes : he 
first became wise after the event, * Whoever comes into these parts/ 
he wrote from Jamaica on May 26, 1655, * must bring leather 
bottles, which are more needful here than knapsacks in Ireland. 
Therefore pray procure great store of them, or we must never make 
further attempt, the Spaniards' defence being overgrown woods and 
want of water ' (Carte, * Original Letters,' ii. 50). Leather bottles or 
* blackjacks ' were repeatedly demanded by both general and ofiBcers 
(pp. 49, 65). 

It is clear fcom this that water-bottles were not in those days 
part of the ordinary equipment of English soldiers, and indeed I 
have never come across any mention of them in army-accounts or 
military pamphlets of the period. It is surprising, however, that 
neither the committee of merchants appointed to see to the prepara- 
tions required for the expedition, nor the colonists and men possess- 
ing local knowledge whom Venables consulted with at Barbadoes, 
seem to have suggested the necessity of providing some means of 
carrying water. 

Another defect was the want of tents, which was severely felt 
at Hispaniola (pp. 49, 65, 156). Smiths' tools, and tools of all 
kinds were also very deficient (12, 49, 63). The stock of clothes 
for the soldiers was so insufficient that those provided for the 
seamen had to be drawn upon (pp. 49, 57). In short, no worse 
prepared and equipped expedition ever left the English shores, 
and the consequences of these initial mistakes and negligences 
were all aggravated by the mistakes and quarrels of those charged 
with its command. 

Taking these things into consideration, it is evident that 
the defence put forward by Venables in his narrative is in part 

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sustained by facts. The difficulties with which he had to struggle 
were, through no fault of his own, almost insuperable. On the 
ot^er hand, it is evident that he was deficient both in strength of 
character and capacity. His ill-health made his task still more 
difficult, weakened his faculties, and finally made it impossible for 
him to fulfil the duties of his post. For his mistakes at Hispaniola 
and other errors he might justly have been called to account, but to 
condemn him for leaving Jamaica when he was incapable of further 
service was the height of injustice. 

The opinions expressed concerning Venables by some of the 
different officers engaged in the expedition are worth collecting. 
At Barbadoes, according to Scoutmaster-general Birkenhead, he 
was ' so justly and temperately discreet and active, so conscion- 
ably just and careful to relieve the oppressed, that truly we are 
thereby (if possible it could be) in a greater tye of duty to his 
Highnes for making such a provision for us in him : for he lays 
his shoulders so much to the work in hand that we are sometimes 
afraid lest he overturn himself ; for his rest is hardly four hours 
most nights' (Thurloe, iii. 159). No want of zeal or industry, it 
is evident, could be charged against him. At Hispaniola it is 
evident that he showed plenty of personal courage in the fighting, 
though Whistler asserts the contrary (pp. 29, 31, 131, 154, 159). 
The first letter of Penn and the commissioners after the defeat 
praises ^ the worth of our General,' and describes him as seeking 
' by all means to stop the base flight of our men ' (p. 31). Captain 
How is still more emphatic in commendation of the 'godly, 
valiant, discreet general ' (p. 46), and Commissary Daniel terms 
him * wise,' * prudent,' * noble,' and unwearied ' (Thurloe, iiL 506-7). 

On the other hand, Holdipp, while bearing evidence in favour 
of Venables on two points of detail, is silent on other questions 
(p. 22), and Doyley plainly condemned his generalship (p. 28). 
Barrington, Buller's lieutenant-colonel, who was no doubt express- 
ing his colonel's views as well as his own, emphatically condemns 
Venables as a leader throughout his narrative (' Seventh Rep. Hist. 

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MSS. Comm. p. 571). It was not only that be made mistakes in 
the conduct of the expedition, but that he hardly ever consulted 
his officers as to the conduct of his operations. * There is much 
discontent/ he writes from Jamaica on July 14, 1655, 'betwixt 
our General and Colonell Buller, CoUonel Carter, and Collonel 
Doyley (by them justly taken) occasioned by his irregular acting; 
they have not so much power here as his Highness allowed the 
captaines (under his conduct) both in England, Scotland, and 
Ireland, neither hath he summoned them twice (since our arrival 
here) to consult about the safe disposal! of this your poor army for 
the future,' nay, that which is worst of all, he acteth as his will 
leadeth him, notwithstanding the vote of the councill ' (Thurloe, 
iii. 646). 

The discord which sprang up between Yenables and his officers, 

* Two important councils of officers are recorded dnring the time the army was 
at Hispaniola. One was held to discuss where, and in what order, the army 
should land. The votes are printed on p. 18 (cf. Thurloe, iii. 75$>. The other 
took place before the second attack on the city of San Domingo. * At a councell 
of field officers it was put to the voate which way the armey should march ; and it 
was pressed hard by the Generall and Fortesque to march intirely with the armey 
by the forte Geronemoe ; but the Major-Generall of happye memorye, colonel 
Buller, and myselfe, with lefteneant-collonel Clarke were for dividing the armey, 
and marching to the north-west of the citty ; but the Oenerall was so vialent for 
the contrary, that himselfe, Fortesque, Doyley, with Holdept, and some others, 
overvoted us' (Thurloe, iii. 755). A similar statement is made by Lieut.-Col- 
Barrington : * It was the desire of our renowned late Major-General Heane, with 
most of the colonels that our general divide his army into two bodies, the one to 
march the direct way to the city, and the other to fetch a compass and fall upon it 
on the east side, which would have been of great advantage to the army, and dis- 
advantageous to the enemy * {Seventh Hep. Hist. MSS. Comm. p. 573). According to 
the author of the Rawlinson narrative the north of the town was defended only by 
a hedge, so that this plan might have proved successful (p. 135). A council was 
held just after landing at Jamaica, in which it was resolved to advance and occupy 
the capital, St. lago de la Vega, that night. Yenables, however, countermanded 
the orders agreed upon in council, and delayed the march till next day, thus 
giving the Spaniards time to carry off their goods and escape to the mountains. 
This is the case Buller refers to in proof of his statement (Thurloe, iii. 646 ; Seventh 
Rep. Hist. MSS. Comm. p. 573). Notes of councils held in Jamaica are printed 
on pp. 62, 123. 

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whatever its cause may have been, is also attested by his own 
narrative. In one passage he speaks of factions in the army, and 
attributes their existence to Major General Heane, who was 
disappointed in his hopes of obtaining the command in chief 
(p. 79). In another he speaks of Bailer and his officers as heading 
the discontented party, and demanding the calling of a council of 
war ' to debate what was fit for the army to do ' (pp. 60-62). It is 
pretty clear that this discontent was general and that Colonel 
BuUer was sent to England to represent the views of the opposition 
as well as the necessities of the army (p. 63). 

One other criticism on the conduct of Yenables deserves a 
' passing notice. The fact that he took his wife with him excited 
much hostile comment in the army. He was charged with seeking 
her society when he ought to have been looking after his army, 
and it was also said that she exercised undue influence with him 
(pp. 156, 168). 

Later critics took up the same tale. ^ He is unfit to be pcUer 
patriae,' wrote Edmund Hickeringill, * that is not Domi domintis, 
nor to ride admiral of a fleet that cannot carry the flag at home 
but is forced to lower his topsail to a petticoat ' (* Jamaica viewed,' 
1661, p. 67). When Venables, during the examination into his 
conduct which took place after his return, was asked why he took 
his wife with him, he answered that the object of the expedition 
was to settle, not merely to conquer, and also that soldiers' wives 
were valuable as nurses (p. 102). This lady was the second wife 
of General Venables, Elizabeth, daughter of Samuel Aldersey, and 
widow of Thomas Lee of Darnhall. Their marriage took place in 
May 1654. Mrs. Venables was the author of an autobiography, 
which is printed in the fourth volume of the * Chetham Miscellany.' 
Unfortunately it ends with her second marriage and contains no 
account of the expedition to the West Indies. At the close she 
refers briefly to its ill success. * We were posted out of Ireland and 
by a very unjust power, and as unfaithfully was my dear hus- 
band dealt withall. Nothing of their promises performed. They 

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pretended the honour of God and the propagating of the Gospel. 
But ala9 ! their intention was self honour and riches . . . and so 
the design prospered according to their hypocrisy.' * Though the 
heart of Mr. Venables I dare say. was right, that the glory of God 
was his aim, yet the success was very ill, for the work of God was 
not like to be done by the Devils instruments. A wicked army 
it was, and sent out without arms or provision. Our time of going, 
and great sufferings, with the acknowledgements of God's great 
kindness, is expressed in another paper.' ^ 

In conclusion it remains to call attention to three papers in 
Appendix F. The first is a Spanish proclamation written in very 
imperfect English, found at Tortaga, which illustrates the way in 
which the Spaniards, while not colonising themselves, prevented 
French, Dutch, or English from settling on unoccupied islands (p. 
1 70). The other two are letters from the Protector to General Monck 
and Calonel Brayne concerning the reinforcements sent to Jamaica 
from Scotland under Bmyne's command in 1656 (pp. 171-73). 

C. H. Firth. 

* The paper referred to seeniB to have been a narraii?e of the personal experi- 
ences of Mrs. Venables and her husband, not the vindication of General Venables 
mentioned previonsly as in the possession of Mr. Lee Townshend. 

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It being the usual course of such persons whose Pikes prove too 
short to make use of their Pens to Supply that defect, and by that 
means endeavour to clear themselves from envy and reproach 
4heir disasters might draw upon them, which [are] ordinarily 
measured to them with a large hand, I should have wav'd anything 
in this nature and wholly cast my reputation in the managing 
of this Western design upon the Opinion of those that have 
formerly been acquainted both with my person and former Services. 
But there being so many thousands who never knew me nor them 
I find myself necessitated to publish to the World a true Narrative 
of the Design, lest otherwise (If I be silent) some envious persons 
should take Liberty to censure me as their own misguided fancies 
and humour or the Slanderous reports of envious Tongues shall 
dictate to them. 

The sad and never sufficiently to be lamented differences which 
have for some few Years past fallen out in these Nations, and being 
so general that almost every Man was in Action or affection 
engag'd in them upon one part or other, among others my self 
(as conscience and judgment guided me) adhered to the Parlia- 

L by Google 

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ment, apon sach Grounds, Reasons, and Engagements as were held 
forth by them (tho' fruitless of my hopes in the end), which cause 
I promoted to my utmost Ability against all discouragements, and 
to enable me the better I sold a Tenement of about Forty Pounds 
a Year, with the Money to raise Arms and maintain a company 
of Foot in that service, which I did, and serv'd with the same in 
Lancashire without any Pay. My service in England I shall not 
mention but leave to others to speak of, both in Lancashire and 
Cheshire, Yorkshire, Sallop, and North Wales, in the Seige of 
Nantwich, Fight at Leebridge, Christleton, and Montgomery, 
besides other Services of less importance. The War in England 
being ended I was engaged in the Irish Service and landed at 
Dublin (it being besieged) first of any Regiment,* in such a time 
when they dispair'd of any relief, and the Soldiers running away 
to the Enemy by hundreds, so that they were almost come to a 
Necessity to treat of a surrender, thereby to save something, all 
otherwise being certainly Lost. My arrival put a stop to this, and 
put life into the Soldiers, who out of meer dispair of relief revolted. 
After the taking of Droheda (other Ofiicers refusing the employ- 
ment) I was sent into Ulster with a thousand five hundred Horse 
and Foot only, there being in that Province above so many 
Regiments as I had hundreds to oppose me, where how the Lord 
prospered me is publicly known. So that before I had Received 
Two Thousand Pounds from the State to carry on that Service, the 
Lord had given into the Parliaments hands whatever the Scots 
had in possession, and for surrender of which the Parliament did 
by their commissioners offer to the Scots One hundred and fifty 
Thousand Pounds ; and as one of the commissioners. Sir Robert 
King, told me, they had commission to give Two Hundred 
Thousand Pounds if it would be accepted. In Carlingffort, Newry, 
Belfast, Lysnegarive, Antrim, Toome, and Carrickfurgus, were above 
Eighty Pieces of Ordnance, and near half of them Brass, Eighty 
Barrels of Powder with Match and Ball Proportionable, with about 
» 22 July 1649. See Gary, Memorials of the Civil War, ii. 159. 

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Two hundred Arms, for all which Service I never received further 
reward than a Letter of thanks for the same from the Council of 
State. After I had been continued in Ireland almost five Years 
and never seen home, the Irish War being ended, the Rt. Honble. 
the Lord Broughill and myself were, at a General Council of the 
Officers, voted to attend his Highness with some Addresses from 
the Army in order to the settling and Planting of Ireland.* 
Which business being almost perfected it was his Highness 
pleasure to acquaint me that he intended some other Imployment 
for me. I desired to know it; after some time the design was 
imparted to me and the Justice of it, which I desir'd to be Clear'd 
to me before I accepted of it, in which perticular being satisfied 
by this Dilemma, That either there was Peace with the Spaniards 
in the West Indies, or not. If Peace, they had Violated it, and 
to seek reparation was Just. If we had no Peace, then was there 
nothing acted against Articles with Spain. After this I desir'd 
his Highness to grant me some requests before I could accept of 
this Imployment. His Highness commanded me to draw them 
up in Writing, and to deliver them to Mr. Secretary Thurloe, who 
should give me an Answer to them, which accordingly I did. 
These being granted I proceeded to propound Land in Ireland 
for My Arrears due for my Service there,^ and some inlisting 
of Officers was now Acting, when suddenly all the business was at a 
stand, and all further proceedings in it to be wav'd. So that I 
thought all had been ended, and betook me again to my own affairs. 
After some five Months Silence I was suddenly again call'd upon 
to undertake the Imployment. I answered I could not in conscience 
engage unless my Proposals were granted, nor leave my children 
without any Care of them, except I should fall under the Apostles 
censure, * He that provided not for them of his Family hath 
denied the Faith, and is worse than an Infidel.' 

I desired to know the Grounds and Reasons of the design that 

* The version of this narrative in the possession of Mr. Lec-Townshend begins 
with this visit to England. 2 ggg Qal. State Paj[>ers, Dom, 1654, p. 357. 

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I might the better understand the State of those parts. I desired 
Arms, Ammunition, and all other necessaries by a perticular under 
my hand, suitable to the design and the distance of the placre, 
Supplies not being to be had Suddenly, and therefore must carry 
the more with us, lest when we come to work we should be forc'd 
to stand still through want of necessaries to carry on the Service. I 
further mov'd that my Friends should not be made more formidable 
to me than my enemies, by bounding and streightning me with 
Commissions and Instructions, which at that distance could seiTe 
but as fetters (Contingencies not being possible to be foreseen), and 
I by them discouraged and put into doubts when I should need the 
greatest encouragements without fear to engage against all haz- 
zards, which by Instructions might be double to what the Enemy 
could make them. I had a satisfactory answer to all, but bow 
performed shall be afterwards declared. Whilst these things were 
in transaction there were some discontents in the Fleet, and Com- 
plaints were said to be against the unsoundness of the Provisions, 
about which, I being spoken unto by the Officers that the care of 
the Food belonged to me, I desir'd the person that informed me to 
acquaint Gen*. Desbrow with it, which he did, and Gen*. Desbrow 
was so incenc'd against me that he publickly fell out with me, and 
told me I sought to hinder the design, and raised an untrue report. 
I reply 'd I did not, and that I had only sent the information 
privately to acquaint him with these things, (in regard he had the 
care of the Fleet to see it well furnished with all things,) and that 
I had the information from coil. Buller, and had not spoke of it to 
any save the commissioners, and therefore could not be guilty of 
any miscarriage to the prejudice of the design, being I medled not 
in any report, but will'd Buller to inform him of what he had told 
me, and therefore did wonder why he should thus publickly repre- 
hend me, to no end save to make a Breach between the Land and 
Seamen. He Answered he had for twelve Years seen transactions 
of Affairs, and had an End wherefore he spoke it. I reply 'd the 
End he aimed at I knew not, but was certain his Language would 

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produce no good to the design but hurt. I afterwards enquiring 
of a friend the reason of his passion [was told], no information 
against the Victuallers of the Navy would be heard with any 
other acceptance. I asked the reason of that : it was answered, 
Tho' Gen^ Desbrow was no Victualler, yet it was believed 
upon very strong presumptions he had a share in the profit 
of the place, and therefore would receive no complaint against 
the Victuallers of the Navy but with reproach and passion 
against the informer, his own Interest (tho* private and not 
generally known) engageing him in their behalf, it being his own 
concern as well as theirs.^ After this my self and Officers made 
several proposals to the Lords of the (Council for the advantageous 
carrying on of the service intended (as we conceived), wherein we 
were so modest in matters of our own concernments that never 
men did undertake so hard and desperate a work upon so mean and 
low conditions, to let the World know it was the Promotion of the 
Gospel and the Service of our country we chiefly did propound to 
ourselves. But after four Months attendance and expence of our 
Money we had not any positive answer whether the design would 
go on or no, and yet the design Vulgarly discovered,^ whereby the 
Enemy had timely warning to provide, which we find they did 
with much circumspection and prudence. 

After about Five Months time I was commanded to be ready to 
go with so much haste, having wholly laid all Conceipt of the 
design aside, that I was so surprised with confusion in my thoughts, 
that I had scarce time to know in what condition the state of 
things were before our Men were drawn out. I desir'd we might 
only have such as freely offered themselves, which was promised 
us. Yet the Officers generally gave us the most abject of their 
Companies, and if any man offered himself he was struck, or 
otherwise punished. And one thing I cannot omit, that those men 

' This passage is quoted by Long in his History of Jamaica^ i. 616. 
* ' ThoDgh it was become so publick as to be the sole jest of common discourse * 
is added in the Lee-Townshend MS. 

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we had were taken up purposely to spare their old Blades, and 
among those thus entertained were diverse Papists, in perticular 
Sixteen, and four of them Irish, and one a Priest, were put upon us 
out of the Tower Regiment : many more were found since, though 
all we could discover were cashiered at Barbadoes. And though 
it was earnestly mov'd by me that we might have the men raised 
out of the Irish Army, seasoned with hardship and danger, it was 
utterly rejecteJ. Besides the Men thus given wanted Five Hun- 
dred of the Number designed, and almost half their arms defective 
and altogether unserviceable ; which being related to the Council 
we were not permitted to stay for arms, much less (which I 
earnestly pressed) to exercise the Men and try what they were ; but 
the Officers and myself were threatened to be imprisoned if they 
stay'd in the City till next day, whereby some were constrained to 
leave their necessaries behind them, which they could never procure 
to be brought to them all, being denied carriages which are allowed 
all other Officers in the three Nations. I then mov'd that we 
might have a General Muster, that I might see the Officers and 
Soldiers together the better to judge of their fitness and abilitie, 
and was promised it should be at Portsmouth ; but before I could 
come thither some were ship'd and sent away, and all were 
reproached for not Shipping faster than Wind and Tide and Boats 
would serve us.^ And when I earnestly mov'd to have our Store 
Ships with us, I was promised they should meet us at Portsmouth, 
and then was told they would be with us before we left Barbadoes. 
In all my desires and proposals I was constantly answered with 
Scofis or bad language by some, as moving for Targets, the 
country being woody (the want of which we found to our Grief), 
we had a jest told us, and then a deniall. Instead of Ministers to 
the Six Regiments I press'd for, being the design was alledg'd to 
be for the propagation of the Gospel, [the like] Number of black 
coats were offered. I complaining of Prophane Persons put upon 
me, it was answered, if they offended to cashier them, contrary to 
> Compare Thurloe, iii. 11 ; and 7th Bcp. Hist. MSS. Comvu ^, 671. 

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the old adage Turpins ejicitur &c. All these things might have 
discouraged me from going, had not my affections to the service of 
my country transported me beyond my Reason and all the 
persuasions of my Friends, I leaving a considerable Imployment at 
home as well as estate, so that necessity did not force me upon the 
Service. I was promised Ten Months Provisions for Ten Thousand 
Men, but instead of having it put aboard with me it was sent to 
London to the Store Ships for want of room, and yet the Officers 
of the Navy took in commodities to Trade withal at Barbadoes. 
When we came to Barbadoes, being the Twenty ninth of January, 
we fell the next day to pursue our business and Instructions, but 
found things so contrary to expectation and Promise that my self 
writ the following letter to the Protector. 

* May it please your Highness, 

The good hand of God going along with us at Sea preserving 

us from Tempests and diseases (not twenty that I can hear of dying 

in all the Fleet)J The difficulties and wants we have met with in 

this place are fully expressed by the commissioners that I should 

but trouble your Highness with mentioning of them. It may be 

your Highness thinks we have spent too much time, and so do I. 

But when our wants are recounted, and the difficulties, or rather 

impossibilities to supply ourselves here considered, it will appear 

to such as know this Island we have not been slow ; neither will it 

be imputed as a fault to us I hope, considering our Stores and 

other necessaries are all behind, which pleads the more for us, and 

manifests our Obedience to your Highness's Commands. Yet 

nothing can discourage save what does wholly disable us to 

prosecute the same, which I hope will appear by our subsequent 

Actings. Our supplies and recruits I am confident need not be 

press'd upon your Highness, they being so necessary and the work 

so serviceable to your Highness, that I shall give you no other 

diversion save conclude my self &c.' ' 

^ Compare 7ih Rep. Hist, MSS, Comm, p. 571. 

* In Povey'8 version this letter is dated Feb. 28. / 

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A Letter sent the Lord President Lamrence^ Lord Lamhe^i and 
several others of the Council of State,^ 

* After a most Merciful and good liand of God towards us at 
Sea, the twentyninth last we came to Anchor at Carlisle Bay. 
The next day we landed and fell about our work : but presently of 
our selves, and by friends privately, were assured (which we find 
true) that all the Inhabitants were against our design, as destruc- 
tive to them, and that they would not really and cordially assist 
us. All the promises made to us in England of Men, Provisions, 
and Arms, we find to be but Promises, and do not know that we 
have rais'd One thousand Five Hundred Men, and not Arms for 
Three Hundred of them.^ Mr. Neals ^ 1,500 Arms are dwindled to 
One Hundred and Ninety. We did not doubt but my Lord and 
his council had proceeded and grounded their Resolves upon 
greater certainties than we yet discern by any one particular of 
all that was taken as most certain, the confidence of which did 
cause us with great assurance to rest satisfied with what was 
promised us we should find here. Only the country has rais'd us 
Sixty Horse in a Troop. We cannot expect to be [relieved] from 
hence with Provisions, they buying all their own ; and had we not 
found some sent here by the Victuallers of the Navy, I know not 
how we should [have] subsisted when gone hence. We have seiz'd 
some Dutch Vessels which we found here, which refuse to give us 
any Invoyces or Bills of Lading, they having almost Sold all their 
Goods and Landed them before we came, and the Inhabitants will 
not discover to whom they were Sold. Only since we came a 
Dutch Man came in with 244 Negroes, whom we have sold for 
about Five Thousand One Hundred and Sixty Two Pounds, and 
another Vessel with some Asses about d£2,200, (twenty three not 
yet Sold,) * which will much exceed all other Seizures. But what- 

* A similar letter to Montagu, but with many verbal variations, is printed in 
Carte's Original Letters^ ii. 46. 

« • I do not know that we have raised 3000 and not arms for 1300 of thom/ Carte. 
« ' Mr. Noel's,' Carte. * • With some asses, about 22 or 23 not yet sold/ Carte. 

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ever is not to be gotten here, must be sent from England, or we 
mast perish. We desir'd our Mens Arms might be chang'd, being 
extream bad, and two fifths not to be made serviceable here. Of 
Three Thousand Men designed we brought but Two Thousand Five 
Hundred ; of those not One Thousand Six Hundred well Armed. 
So that, our Stores not coming as Promised, we are making half 
Pikes here to Arm the rest and those we raise ; for we have not 
hopes at any rate to procure One Thousand Six Hundred Fire 
Arms. If Bread and Meal be not constantly sent us from England 
we must want it. For Cassava after its planted (and we cannot 
plant it till June at soonest) it will [not] be fit to Eat of [in] one 
Year.' Its agreed upon by all those persons that know America, 
the English Powder will not keep above Nine Months, and at that 
time we must recieve constant Supplies. French and Spanish 
Powder will keep many Years. Therefore I earnestly desire Salt 
Petre and all other Materials, Men ' to make Powder may be sent 
to us: for the Ingredients will keep uncompounded very well. 
We have met with all the obstructions that Men in this place can 
cast in our way ; And now we have time to draw our Men together 
we find not half of them Armed, Nay, in some Regiments not 
above Two Hundred Arms;' the most unfit Arms^ and unfit Men 
generally given us, and here we are forc'd to make half Pikes to 
arm them ; which hath lost us so much time and will hazard our 
Ruin. Had we been Arm'd in England, doubtless we had been at 
work before this. I have just now Reciev*d an Accompt from 
Generall Penn of what Arms the Ships can accommodate us with ; 
which as you may see by the Enclosed particular, will not amount 
to in Shot above Fifteen Shot a Man, a most inconsiderable pro- 
portion to have hunted Tories with in Ireland, where we might 
have supplies every day, much more to attempt one of the greatest 
Princes in the World within his most beloved Country, where 
Supplies cannot be had above twice a Year ; and this Island upon 

* * Not be fit .to eat of in a year,* Carte. ' ' A Mill and Men,* Carte. 

* ' Not above 200 are,' Carte. * * The most having unfixt arms,' Carte. 

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Trial will not fitt ns with so much. A sad matter that we must 
attempt so high with little or nothing, or return and do nothing, 
which some of us could more cheerfully hear the news of death 
than be guilty of. I have given the best account I am able. The 
commissioners, I believe, will be more large to his Highness. 
Pray let not the old Proverb be verified in us, " Out of sight, out 
of mind." If so you will quickly hear we are not in this 
World &c.'i 
Barbadoes Feb''. 

The Substance also of this Letter with some perticular Instruc- 
tions was written to Mr. William Row and Martin Nowell, who 
were Agents for me and the Army at London. 

The first business we fell upon at Barbadoes was the Seizing of 
all Dutch Vessels according to his Highness Instructions. General 
Penn put his own Nephew, one Mr. Pool, to take the Invoyces 
and Bills of Lading. Mr. Winslow and my self urg'd that he 
should not act but by commission from us, and that we would put 
a cheque upon him ; he told us he had power of himself to com- 
mission him, refused ours, and would not admit of a cheque, nor 
suffer us to see Original Invoyces; only one I saw which was 
convey'd away immediately, and the number of Elephants Teeth 
in it, which I remember exactly to be one Hundred and Ninety 
one, were in the Copy of it made but a hundred and Fifty. I 
urg'd the falshood of the Copy, and desir'd the Original : at last 
they brought in a hundred eighty and one, and urg'd the other 
Ten were my mistake, but I had taken the number into my 
memorial, and could not mistake it. However this one Act (if the 
rest of the Invoyces, as I have ground to believe, were curtailed 
accordingly,) will shew the Seamens proceedings. Mr. Winslow 
and myself considered how to remedy this, but finding the Seamen 
our Enemies, and at least to scorn us and adhere to their General, 

> In Cartels version this letter is dated Feb. 28, 1655 ; Povey^s date is Feb. 20. 

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and Coll. Searl to comply with him, we were constrained to be 
Patient per force, and commit the thing to private remembrance 
when time servd to vindicate ourselves ; and Mr. Winsloe said he 
would certifie Secretary Thurloe of it, which I believe he did. 

' At a Council of Warr held at the Indian Bridge Town in the 
Barbadoes, March 18th, 1654, to consider of the wants of the 

General Venables. 

Major General Hanes. Coll. Morris. 

Coll. Fortescue. Coll. Carter. 

Coll. BuUer. Coll. Doyly. 

Resolv'd : 

That it be proposed to General Penn and his OflScers, that as 
the land forces do promise never to desert the Fleet, that General 
Penn and his Officers mutually engage with the Land forces not to 
leave them until their Supplies come, which if they should 
miscarry, then to transport them back to England. 

That it be proposed to the commissioners that a large proportion 
of Shipping be provided to transport the Army, lest by pestering 
the Ships infectious diseases should consume the Forces, and so 
endanger if not overthrow the design. 

That Soldiers Wives (who offer to carry their own Provisions) 
may be transported to take care of sick and wounded men. 

That old Linnen be provided for the Chyrageons. That we do 
not march hence under at least twenty Tunn of Ball. That we 
have Ten Tunn of Match before we march hence* 

That before we part hence we have from the Fleet, Two 
thousand Fire Arms, Six hundred Pikes, besides Pistol^, Carbines, 
and Two Hundred half Pikes, and that they be presently set on 

We desired at the same time copies of the Invoyces. After 
long delay otie was delivered, and Immediately by Pool Borrowed 
from Mr Cary, and would never be redelivered till the Day we left 

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Barbadoes. [We] were forced to leave it with the commissioners 
for Prize Office there. But of this more hereafter, with Gary his 
Testimony concerning the same. 

Oar Stores not coming I sent to General Penn to know what 
Arms, Shot, and Match, he could spare (for General Desbrow had 
assured me and the Officers in England, that what was in the 
Fleet was and should be for the carrying on the Service, and at the 
commissioners disposal, and that there was enough to serve both 
us and the Fleet for some good time) : he returned me an Account 
of Fifteen Shot a Man was all he could spare of his Ball, [and] a few 
Tuns of Match. But though he had many hundred of Pikes in the 
Fleet to spare, and Lances to kill cows (which were for our use as 
well as the Fleets), yet we could not get one Pike or Lance, only 
some few half and quarter Pikes. Wherefore I was necessitated to 
set all hands to work to make half Pikes (the Timber of that 
country not being fit for long ones), which yet were so bad that I 
suppose Tom Tinker or Tom a Bedlam in England marches with 
better Weapons. 

Upon our arrival there I found all Mens arms unfixed ; our 
Gun Smiths tools were in the Store Ships and were denied to be 
sent with us, so that our want of Smiths Tools and making of 
half Pikes hindred us from fixing our Arms,^ and the officers from 
exercising their Men, except a very little before we came from 
thence. We were ordered to take up Provisions there, and charge 
Bills of Exchange at home, but I suppose it was known to others, 
though not to me, That no Provisions were to be gotten there, for 
so I found by experience, and the rates much higher than what 
they were in England for what I bought myself. So that these 
with some other reasons caus'd Mr. Winslow, one of the 
Commissioners, to say to diverse of the Officers that we were 
*1Setray'd, and that if it had been in the late Kings Reign he would 
have declared so. Notwithstanding all these difficulties I 
continued forward and cheerful, until such time I heard the 
* • Having our arms in readiness,* Lee-Townshend MS. 

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Seamen speak of going home, which raised some doubts among the 
Officers that they intended to leave us (which was promised in 
England they should not until another fleet came), and then we 
saw we must perish. Another fell in the rear of this ^ was, that 
upon coming from Barbadoes the Seamen had their allowance, 
and our Landmen were reduced to half (by what order I know 
not), and that given them but four days in the week, and the other 
three fish ^ Days the Seamen had their Victuals with Brandy and 
the Landmen had only Bread (and that most beastly rotten), and 
Water. Which brought them so low that at landing they fell 
down and some of them into the Water, as the Rear Admiral 
observed ; and the Vice Admiral marching along with us with a 
Regiment of Seamen, seeing our Mens weakness said, that the 
fortnights weakening at Sea with bad Provisions would not be 
recovered with two Months good diet at Land. And though the 
Officers complained of their bad Bread, it was answered, the 
Bread was bought by the Commissioners at Barbadoes, and must 
be spent, which it might have been without prejudice if delivered 
out for one day in a Week to all Seamen and Landmen.* And 
here I must Query, whether the bad Bread in the Fleet was not 
given the Landmen upon this pretence ? It is true the Provisions 
were bad, so that they were refused by the Fleet in England, and 
therefore sent by the Victuallers of the Navy to Barbadoes to be 
Sold ; which we were forced to buy rather than starve, being our 
own Stores came not to us, preferring bad food before none. 

We left Barbadoes the last of March, and by the way 
dispatch'd some business at St. Christopher's, where we took in a 
Regiment of Foot, and then when we came from St. Christophers we 
mustred on board, and finding great want of Arms, we once more 
desired a supply from the Fleet, (who had above a Thousand two 
hundred Pikes to spare, and a large quantity of lances), but were 

* * Another grand trouble and discouragement was,* Lee-Townshend MS. 

« * Fast-Days,' Lee-Townshend MS. 

' * Seamen and landsmen alike,* Lee Townshend MS. 

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refused by General Penn the loan of one Pike or Lance (tho the 
Lances were put on board for the Army to kill cows). So that we 
were constrain'd to use half Pikes shorter by two foot than the 
enemy's, which gave them great advantage against us. Our next 
business (which lasted long and was interwoven with other debates) 
was a clause in the commissioners Instructions from his Highness, 
that they should dispose of all Preys and Booties got by Sea or 
Land towards the carrying on of the present Service and design ; 
which when it came into agitation I told the commissioners, I 
Conceived it was to be understood of ships and their Lading, or of 
large quantities of Treasure or goods in Towns or Ports. For if, as 
they understood, it were to be intended of all sorts of Pillage, it was 
not possible to be put in Execution, besides I did fear it would disgust 
the Army, and turn them against me ; And if I lost the Officers affec- 
tions I conceived it would utterly disable me to serve his Highness ; 
For this was so contraiy to what had been practis'd in England, as 
I doubted it would be impossible to satisfy them ; and how to 
bring them from Pay and Plunder both (which they had in England) to 
have neither Pay nor Plunder, without the providing of some fit 
medium I thought was impossible. The thing was imparted to 
the Officers, and a fortnight's Pay propounded to them in Lieu of 
their Pillage of Sancto Domingo. The Officers being in Arrears, 
and many of them coming in hopes of Pillage into a country 
where they conceiv'd Gold as plentiful as Stones, demanded 
three Months. I with entreaty drew them to accept of Six weeks 
Pay, and in this time of dispute I drew up a declaration that 
did satisfy the Officers, and the Commissioners did so far 
approve of it as that they gave order to have it drawn fair, for each 
Regiment one, that they might subscribe it. The order follows. 

* By the Commissioners appointed by his Highness for managing 
the Afiairs of America with the consent of the Officers — Whereas 
it hath been the Practice of the ablest Commanders and best ordered 
Armies that ever hath been, not only to make Strict Laws but 
Execute the same with like strict severity upon such Officers and 

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Soldiers as should Pillage or Plunder without Licence, or conceal 
what they had so Pillaged and not bring it to the publick Store or 
Stock, in regard many Armies have been thereby ruin'd and 
destroyed, when they have had the Victory in possession, yet by 
that only fault have given the Enemy Opportunity to wrest the 
same out of their hands, as the French at Gariglian^ and the 
Venetians at Tacobut. Also because the Men that usually 
performed the Service of the day lye Slain, Wounded, or have the 
Enemy still before them, so that without iminent ruin they cannot 
seek after Spoil, but persons whose deserts merited little or nothing 
in the Service of the day carry away the profit of the whole success, 
to the singular discouragement of brave resolutions who usually 
get nothing but blows. The injustice of which caused David to 
make it a Military Law (1st Sam. xxx. 24), to give equal share to 
every person of the Army though not present in the Action, And 
though the equity of the thing carry enough with it to justifie the 
proceedings of Antiquity against so great an Evil, the disorder 
being of so dangerous a consequence, and contrary to Reason and 
Religion that a few persons (who are usually the least deserving) 
should carry away the whole reward of the Victory and success 
purchased by the Blood and hazard of all. 

Wherefore it is his Highness special command to us that we 
should rectifie so great a disorder, crept so far into Modem Armies, 
and that a just accompt be taken of the Pillage and the booties, 
to the end that an equal distribution may be made thereof to all 
Persons, (according to his Highness Instructions) according to 
every Mans quality and Merit. It is therefore hereby order'd. That 
no Persons of what degree or quality soever do presume to Pillage 
without Licence, or to conceal, detain, or keep to his own private 
use or profit, any Arms, Money, Plate, Jewels, or Goods whatsoever, 
upon pain of forfeiture of his Interest in the whole Pay or Pillage, 
and likewise to sufier the Pain of Death for the said Ofience. 
And it is hereby further order'd and declared, that Officers shall be 
* i.e, Garigliano, a.d. 1503. 

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chosen by mutual consent, and Sworn to receive and dispose of all 
Pillage and Booties, according to every mans place, quality, and 
desert ; And the said Officers shall take an Oath to E!cecute the said 
place justly and truly ; And the distribution shall be made by the 
advice of persons chosen by the Officers and Soldiers according to 
each Mans quality and Merit. Given under our hands this ^ day of 

Robert* Venables. 
William Penn/ 

But when all things were made ready the commissioners 
(General Penn and my self excepted) refus'd to sign the order, 
which gave the Officers great Offence, who to satisfie the commis- 
sioners had several of them agreed to sign the ensuing declaration, 
in case the commissioners would have signed the foregoing order. 

* Whereas we have Received an order from his Highness com- 
missioners for managing the Affairs of America, declaring his 
Highness instructions to them, and thereby requiring an Exact 
accompt from them of all Prizes and Booties taken by Sea or Land, 
that so every Officer and Soldier may receive an equal share 
according to their several qualities, places, and deserts, and for the 
carrying on of the publick Service ; and being [satisfied] by the 
Reasons alledg'd in the same of the injustice, dangerous inconveni- 
enciesj and unreasonableness, of that too frequent and unreformed 
disorder that a few (and those usually that perform least of the 
Service) should engross to themselves what is purchased by the 
Blood and hazard of all -the forces. We do wholly approve of the 
order; and also engage for our selves that we will not Violate 
the same, but endeavour to cause all under our several Charges 
and Commands to give Obedience to the said Command, and to 
bring all Offenders against the said Law and order to Punishment, 
and shall (after our respective pay is discharged) acquiesce in 
the disposing and issuing forth of the remainder by the said 

* Dated April 11, 1655 in Mr. Lee-Townshend's MS., and also in Povey's version. 
' In this MS. wrongly given ' Bichard.' 

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Commissioners, either as rewards to deserving Persons, or for 
necessaries to carry on the Service, and if necessity require to 
lend our Pay to provide the said necessaries, as the Commissioners 
shall appoint, and (if the Lord shall bless ns with so high success) 
in returning the overplus to ease the burthens of our dear Native 
Country, for whose sake, next to the Glory of God, this design is 

So that had not pertinac[it]y and weakness blinded the Com- 
missioners they had got the disposal of all into their own hands, 
only by Yielding so far as to give discontented persons (whom by 
force they could not compel) a few fair words, which 1 suppose no 
wise Man would have refused when so much inconvenience must 
follow the denial. 

But myself, being as well a Commissioner as a Soldier, was 
put to a great streight, I being wholly a stranger to the Army, 
which occasion'd me to tell Mr. Winslow that it would cause 
the Army to disgust me, and so make me incapable of doing any 
Service, having lost the hearts of the Officers. For several of 
them charg'd me with neglect to them in sideing with the Com- 
missioners to take away their Priviledge ; for they were wont to 
have Pillage when they took any place by storm in England, and 
so had both pay and Pillage ; and now being in a strange country, 
where they had no Pay, to be denied Pillage much exasperated 
their Spirits, having no confidence in me. For I had neither 
Officer nor Soldiers that had experienced my faithfulness to them, 
but they were all strangers to me, and I to them. I was 
necessitated to entreat the Officers to trust me, assuring them I 
would endeavour their advantage, and that for my own perticular 
I should disclaim anything of right or advantage, and wholly 
endeavour theirs, and so entreated them to Accept of Six Weeks 
Pay from the Commissioners, if God should give them the Place, 
which they consented to at my request. I mov*d the Com- 
missioners to join with me to assure it to the Soldiers, but it was 
denied me, and then I was forc'd to make a new request to the 


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Soldiers : that they would venture their Lives as I should do mine 
and trust God for the reward ; which they assented to, but withal 
many of them declared that they would never strike stroke more 
where should be Commissioners to controul the Soldiers, but 
would return for England with speed. And thus the business 
about dividing the Bears skin before kill'd was laid aside, and let 
sleep for a time ; but it will wake much more fierce than formerly, 
for if it were dissatisfaction at first, it will prove mutiny when 
ripe. In conclusion myself and Officers, with some of the Ck>m- 
missioners, propounded and insisted upon it to run the Fleet into 
the Harbour' of Domingo; yet the Fleet oppos'd, and would not, 
pretending a boom (which though Cox our guide who but a little 
before came thence deny'd) so that their denial and refusal con- 
strained us upon a Resolution to Land at the River Hine, and 
hearing there was a Fort and a Trench we Voted to try to force 
them, and to that end passed the Votes following : — 

*AtaCouncil of Warr held on board the Swiftsurethe7of April,* 
1655, where myself and the Colls, of the several Regiments were 
present : — 

Resolv'd — 

That the Army land at the River Hine. 

That the Regiments cast lots who shall land first. 

That two or three be landed at once. 

That the seconds to each Regiment be appointed. 

That the Ships in which each Regiment is transported be 
ordered to Sail very near in company, for the better ordering the 
several Regiments at landing. 

That it be ordered what Boats shall take the Soldiers in, 
according as lot and command shall require. 

By myself and the Field Officers of the Army on board the 
Swiftsure, April 10th, 1655, 

Resolv'd — 

' Should be April 10. 

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That in case the Surge of the Sea go high, and the Fort and 
Trench be defended, that the Army land to the Leward behind the 
second point. 


That after the Army is landed a Regiment be ordered to the 
East of the City, provided General Penn engage to supply them 
with all necessaries. 

The Regiment is Coll. BuUers by Lot. 

Instructions to the several Colls, about Landing in pursuance 
of the foregoing votes. 

1. That the Regiments which land first at the River Hine (if 
we land there), and that the ditch at the landing be defended 
and within Shot (or if not defended), then they are to advance 
against the Enemy, and to pass the same, but if it be out of Shot 
and not defended, then to stand still till all be landed ; but if at 
the more Westerly, then to draw up and stand till all be landed. 

2. In case we find no Opposition, then none to march away, 
but all in Seyniority as their due. 

3. The signal a piece of white Cloth or Paper upon the left 

4. That the word be Religion. 

5. In case the Enemy Oppose, each Man is at Landing to 
advance to relieve where there is most necessity.' 

These things thus ordered Mr. Winslow came and told me 
that General Penn had sent Cox forth, and that he seeing a 
Vessel bearing away from the rest of the Fleet, ask'd who it was, 
and what he went about ; he was answered it was Cox, and that 
the General had sent him. Upon which I went to General Penn, 
and asked for Capt. Cox (who with one Mr. Bounty had been 
taken in at St. Christophers as guides, both of them being lately 
come from Hispaniola, where Cox had served many Years a 
Gunner in the Castle of St. Domingo). General Penn told me he 
had sent him forth to gain intelligence. I ask'd further, if he 
would return to be our Guide when we landed ; he answered he 

C 2 

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would, for he had orders so to do. I re ply 'd, it was well if he 

I then began to put the Regiments that were to land with 
myself into readiness for landing, delivered out my fore mentioned 
Instructions to the several Colonels, and the next day when I 
took leave of General Penn and Mr. Winslow they gave me order 
to prohibit Plundering, which I told them I would do by publish- 
ing the order accordingly. I then ask'd for Cox (who the 
Seamen said they saw a few hours before returning to us). 

General Penn said he was before me on board the Vice 
Admiral, whither I was then going. I ask'd for Feames and 
Bounty, that one of them might stay with the Fleet when Cox 
left them to march with ns by land. He said they must stay 
with him to bring the Fleet (which any Shallop would have done) 
to an Anchor. I replyd one of them was sufficient for that, we 
might want two; but he would not part with either of them. 

When I came aboard the Vice Admiral I was discoursing with 
some Officers about what we were to do, and presently enquired of 
the Vice Admiral whether we were yet fallen into the River Hine ? 
He replyed he knew not. I then asked for Cox. He said he was 
not on board, nor returned back, that he knew of, since the General 
sent him, and that he had no guide but one Sabada, a Dutch Man, 
nor any guide nor order for landing at Hine River.* I told him it 
was the place we designed to land at, and that we would attempt 
that place before we went to the Leward Point. He said he durst 
not venture the Fleet without a Pilot in a strange and dangerous 
place. I desir'd him to send for Feames or Bounty, or return 
with the Fleet to General Penn. He said he could not ; the wind 
was against us, and that we must go to the Leward Point. I then 
protested my dissatisfaction at these passages, and so per force 
was carried to the West Point, which occasioned along and tedious 
March Forty Miles or thereabouts in a Woody Country we knew 

' Compare the letter of Venables to Montague, May 26, 1655. Carte, Original 
Letters^ ii. 48. 

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not, and without any Guide save Heaven ; the land burnt up with 
a drought, so that our Horses and Men (the sun being in our 
zenith) fell down for thirst (but if any had the least Liquor pour'd 
into him he recovered, otherwise died immediately) ; our very feet 
scorched through our Shoes with the Sand and Gravel, there 
being no grass save in Savanas ; ^ and the heats in this torrid Zone 
at the highest, the nights cold and much dews ; which with eating 
Oranges for thirst (wanting water), made our Men (after their 
former bad and short diet) more apt to the Flux. In this 
Condition we march *d four days to come to the place we should and 
might have landed at the first day, and have prevented all this 
trouble, sickness, and the Enemys summoning in the whole Country 
to oppose us. And to add to our misery many of our Men (who 
thought to have had three days Provisions,* but were by some Sea- 
men put on Shore, by whose fault I know not, with one only 
days Victual), were ready to sink down with extream faintings. 
At this place we made a signal and desir'd to pass over the 
River. By the Votes of the Council of Warr before mentioned 
Coll. BuUer was to land to the East of the City. I gave him 
order also not to attempt against it, the Haven being betwixt him 
and the City, till the Army appeared on the other side ; lest if he 
were repulsed in so dangerous an attempt it might heighten the 
Enemies resolves ; but in case he could not land to the East, then 
to observe the Commissioners orders till he joyn'd with the Array. 
No place being found to land him to the East of the City,' he was 
landed at Hine Kiver the day we came to it, with order not to stirr 
from thence till we came to him ; but he disobeyed that order, and 
march'd away with Cox our only Land Guide, (who retum'd tc 
General Penn in our absence,) which caused us to march ten o\ 
twelve miles about, not knowing the Foord, to fast two days longer, 
which almost destroyed our weak and fainting Men, and brought 

* • Save in one Sayania,' Povey's MS. 

* See Memorials of Sir William Penn, ii. 81. 
» Ibid. ii. 81, 82. 

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along with it so many inconveniences as blasted all our resolves. 
He suffering his Men to straggle it caus'd the Enemy to lay an 
ambush for him, as Himself confess'd, into which we fell, and 
necessity forcing our retreat it encourag'd the Enemy. All which 
is Evidenc'd ; though Death hath prevented me of many Witnesses, 
yet the ensuing Letter, which was sent me from a Coll. of the 
Army, dated from Jamaica the 14th March 1655, and declares 
both our resolves as to runing the fleet into the Haven, and Bullers 
words and Actions, as it is now mention'd. 

' Honoured Sir 

Whereas I hear they accuse you for choosing to land at Point 
Nizaoe, I knew 'twas not your Choice, and all Men will believe it 
when they consider what little command you had of the Fleet; 
and I remember well you were so far from wishing well to a long 
march, that you desir'd to have landed at the very City it self. But 
it was aflirm'd at the debate that there was a Chain lying cross 
the mouth of the Harbour to hinder passage in, which was 
affirmed by so eminent a person as none of the Pilots would 
contradict it, whilst they were in the Cabin, though I can depose 
that afterwards without one of them, who had not long since been 
there, did affirm to me there neither was, nor did he believe there 
could be any such thing. 

What the sufferings of the Army w ere in your March I cannot 
know otherwise than by relation, and by the expe[ri]ence of my own 
and Coll. Bullers men in much a shorter way, which was but from 
Hine River to the two New Plantations, which could not be above 
Six Miles, and yet brought our Men to that Extremity for want of 
Water that I never heard the like complaint as was the next 
morning amongst them. A Condition we fell into through the 
forwardness of Coll. Buller to March from Hine River, where we 
landed, and were appointed to expect the Army, or that message 
you were to send to the Rear Admiral for Provisions ; he himself 
confessing, both in his Letter to General Penn and Mr. Winslow 

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on board, and likewise to the Officers of that Party, that he had 
no orders to March.* I likewise knew that a Party was sent forth by 
him the next Morning, commanded by his Major Bland, and guided 
by Cox, to discover the Fort of St Hieronimo, and to get some 
intelligence of your March with the rest of the Army ; these stay'd 
so long at the meeting of the ways, which was about half a Mile 
from the Fort, as Coll. Bailer wondered at it. I thereupon offer'd 
to march with a small Party to them to know what was the Occasion 
of their stay ; and as I remember Bland told me they were ordered 
there to remain to expect the Armys coming up ; which he was 
confident would not be long, if the news was true which was 
brought to his Coll. upon the March the day before by a Soldier 
who stay'd behind at Hine Bay, which was that he saw a Man come 
to the River side with two Collours upon a Pike. I ask'd him how 
far the Fort was from thence where he and his Party stayed. He 
said it was hard by, and that a little within the Wood I might 
plainly see it ; which I desir'd to do, and took Cox the guide with 
me, who led me by a small path about Musket shot through the 
Wood to a piece of fallen Ground which lay next adjoining to the 
Fort, and about a quarter of a Mile distance from it. Having 
seen the Fort, and having Blands answer I returned with it to 
Coll. BuUer, the Party still remaining there till the Armys coming 
up. But as it seems to me, that free and often looking on the Fort 
had caus'd those Men to be discovered thence, and brought that 
ambuscado forth into whose hands your honour had like to have 
fallen ; for I have heard Coll. BuUer say, he did believe that 
ambush was laid for his Men, and not for the Army.' 

This letter was writ to me from Coll. Richard Holdipe, in 
answer to one of mine when I Petition'd and expected to be Call'd 
to give an Account of all my transactions. 

This following certificate was writ by Mr. Heurj' Cary, 
Secretary to his Highness Commissioners. 

» For a defenoe of Baller*8 oondnct see 7th Rep, Hist, MSS. Comm, p. 572. 

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* I underwritten Testifie, that being present in the great Cabin 
aboard the Paragon, I heard General Venables ask of Vice 
Admiral Goodson whether they were yet fallen in with the River 
Hine (or words to that purpose), that they might try to land 
there; whereupon the Vice Admiral reply*d that they had over 
shot it, as he thought. Whereat the General wondring, and 
saying that it was resolv'd to land there if they could, he further 
added that he had no orders to stop there. This discourse 
happened on the 13th of April 1655, which I am ready to Confirm 
by Oath if need require.' 

Henry Gary. 

I mentioned before the Commissioners order to me, which as 
soon as we were landed, according as they required, I published, 
(that order against all Plundering and that whatever was gotten 
should be brought into a publick Stock), And acquainted the 
Officers with the Commissioners order which foUoweth. 

By the Commissioners appointed by his Highness for ordering 
and managing the Affairs in America. 

* We taking into our serious Consideration upon our near 
approach to the city of Domingo, a place that we have resolv'd to 
make the first attempt upon in order to the present Expedition in 
the West Indies, conceive it a just and meet thing that some more 
than ordinary encouragement be given to the Army; and the 
rather because if God shall be pleased to put it into our hands we 
may not admit of Plunder, for that his Highness intends to plant 
a Collony of English there ; and therefore do declare that if the said 
city of Domingo shall refuse to surrender upon a fair Summons, 
and force the Army to take it by storm, that then the Army shall 
have one moiety of all that shall be taken (except Arms, Ordnance, 
Ammunition, and other Royalties), Vizt : of such Goods as shall 
be brought into the Publick Stores. Or in case General Venables 
shall promise them a Months Pay, or Six Weeks Pay, we shall be 
ready to assist him in it. Provided the place be able to make it 

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Grood, and we in any measure enabled to carry on the design, And 
withal Provided that the Soldiers break not this agreement by 
Plander. And in case it shall be taken by surrender, and that the 
General shall promise them such an encouragement as the said condi- 
tions will admit, Yizt : one third part of what shall be taken, or three 
Weeks Pay, except befoi*e excepted, the Commissioners will assist 
the General therein also ; and the General is desired to Issue out 
his Orders accordingly to his Officers to prevent Plunder, and so 
consequently that ruin that would thereby be brought npon the 
Army it self. Given under our hands the 13th day of April 1655, 

William Penn. 

Edward Winslow. 

Gregory Butler.'* 

But their Spirits were by former discontents so exasperated, 

that [what] would at first have been willingly accepted of with love 

and thankfulness was now rejected, And the Sea Men first of all, 

then all the rest, fell into Mutiny ; and some said that I was but 

one Man, and could not hang all the Army, and that whilst they 

had no Pay they would have all they could get. Of all which I 

certified the Commissioners, withal assuring them that I now 

found my former fears to come to pass. That they would destroy 

my Interest in the Army by their unseasonable and unreasonable 

pertinac[it]y in refusing the Officers motions, but that having 

discharged my Duty in observing their orders and his Highness 

Instructions, I shall satisfie my own Heart therein whatever the 

events were. Whereupon they sent me a further order, but all too 

late ; for Passion having usurp'd the seat of Beason nothing would 

be heard, and the reins of Government being loosed would not 

now be endured to restrain their will, and my Interest being lost 

all my endeavours were to no purpose. In this discontented humour 

we march'd in a most sad and miserable manner in an unknown 

1 Another proolamation signed only by Venables is printed in the Report of the 
Dnke of Portland's MSS. ii. 91. Butler^s name is erroneously given as George both 
in Long's and in Poyey's MSS. 

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Country, tormented with Heat, banger, and thirst (my self 
enduring what the meanest suffered), until the fourth day after we 
came to the River Hine, where we purposed and might have landed 
at first (as is before related) ; where we were by Cox informed 
there was a ford, which we searched for, but could find none in half 
a Mile, and hearing that BuUer was march'd away, and Cox with 
him, we conceived they were gone up the River to meet us, and 
supposed the Ford was above higher, but we left it at the influx of 
the River into the Sea, an unusual place to find a Ford in, and 
never thought of. ^ Whereupon we march'd five Miles, but no 
Ford to be found, we quartered that night without water, and the 
next morning after three Miles March more we found one, and 
then pass'd the River with resolution to march to the Harbour to 
take in Ammunition and Provision, and to refresh our weary sick 
and fainting Men with some rest ; but hearing Coll. BuUer and 
Holdipes Drums I desir'd if possible to send to them to come 
to us, this being now the fifth day after we had begun with 
our three days Victuals, though some had but one days 
victuals. We marchVi towards the Ships and finding a Farm 
House with Water we halted thither, and I commanded a 
Captain out with some Men to seek out the way, but ordered him 
to enquire of a Spaniard who lay bed-rid which was the nearest and 
best way to the River where our Ships rid at Anchor; but he 
neglected to go, because the Spaniard could not or would not tell 
him the way, yet never gave any account that he stay'd, so that my 
self not knowing thereof stayed three hours waiting for his return. 
As the last, finding he was not gone, I call'd him out, and call'd 
some Ofiicers to debate, and Capt. Butler, one of the Commis- 
sioners (who was with us all the march) ; an old Irish Man was 
brought in, who offer'd to bring us within two miles of a River 

* * This ford was at the mouth of the river which is the general rule in the W. 
Indies, where the Sea Breeze and current usually cast up a Bar of Sand over which 
the Water is extremely shallow, so that though there is depth of Water on each 
side the Bar for large vessels, yet upon the Bar itself nothing but a canoe can pass 
without grounding.' This note is added in the margin by another hand. 

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where we might come at our Ships. My self was suspicious of him 
after examination, lest he came to betray us (and the sequel prov'd 
my jealousie not to be groundless) ; but Capt. Butler pressed with 
great earnestness to believe him, saying he durst pawn his life 
he was honest, and charg'd me by virtue of my Instructions to 
follow his Advice, and some of the Officers being so pressing, I 
darst not refuse, it being part of my Instructions to steer my course 
by the advice of the Commissioners, or by reason of the Death or 
absence of the rest, of one ; but after three miles March and no River 
appearing, our Men fainting, he said he only spoke of Water 
which was near and the Ships also, but sending a Party no Water in 
. a Miles March to be found. We met with Coll. BuUer and his Guide, 
Capt. Cox, who promised Water, which was glad tidings. We 
march'd towards it, but Coll. Bullers Men having quartered there- 
abouts had rambled up and down for Pillage, which gave the Enemy 
occasion to place an ambush, which fell upon our forlorn which 
they routed, and slew several Officers (former light matters I pass 
as not worth the mentioning), but were instantly beaten back with 
loss, and pursued within Cannon Shot of the Town, where our Men, 
being with the Skirmish drawn on, forgot that thirst which when 
the fight ended they fainted under, several Men and horses dying 
with thirst upon the place. A Council of War being calFd, and 
the Condition of the Army being stated, which was this ; some had 
fasted four days, save the fruit they found in the Woods (unfit for 
men to live upon) ; their Match spent to three or four Inches ; 
no Water, the Spaniards having stop'd up all their Wells within 
several Miles ; our men fainting ; our Ships not to be Come unto 
in that place. If we went on we must leave the Town betwixt us 
and our Fleet, and by consequence betwixt us and our Victuals 
and Ammunition. We had neither ladders, Guns, nor any Man 
that knew the Town or Country (for Capt. Cox was slain in the 
Skirmish). ^ To return was to encourage the Enemy, and to 
discourage our Men. To Carry fainting and almost famished Men 
' See Memorials of Sir William Penny ii. 85. 

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upon a storm, in the dark night, in an unknown place, where we 
could not Choose the fittest Place to assault, after some had fasted 
five, and all two days, without Ammunition, was thought madness, 
and therefore our former resolution, from which the Irish Mans 
relation by Capt. Butlers peremptory Counsel diverted us, was 
taken up as the best. The four miles we had advanced out of our 
way lost us in that marching back many Men and Horse through 
want of meat and water. These reasons were then propounded, 
and since sent in a letter by me to Coll. Doyly. His Answer 


Jamaica, July 12th 1656 
* Sir, 

For the matter of the Allegations you mention, and the reasons 
of our not falling on St. Domingo, though I doubt my relation will 
be little advantageous to you now, the Protector having wisely and 
prudently judg'd year case, not by the uncertain event of Warr, 
but by your own deportment ; yet I must in honour of Truth and 
justice affirm the reasons in your letter to be the very same that 
were then given, which I perfectly remember. 

Edward Doyly.' 

We stay'd at the Harbour three or four days, takeing in of 
Ammunition, Victuals, and other necessaries, and to refresh our Men. 
We again advanced with a Mortar Piece to take the Fort where 
the Enemy had laid his Ambush about a Mile short of the Town, 
and two small Pieces drawn by Men, But when we came 
to the same place our Men in the forlorn commanded by Adju*. 
Gen*. Jackson fell into an ambush, going against order without 
any Parties to search the Woods, and with their Pikes in the I'ear, 
contrary to order given at the first landing, in regard that in forty 
miles March we never saw above three Savannas, the whole 
country being a continual Wood, where not above four could march 
a breast and an hundred might trouble Ten thousand. Besides, 
himself having the charge of the Party, put a Lieutenant and a 

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Captain in the head of them before him, and himself brought up 
the rear. The Ennemy suffered without lett our Men to march on, 
who went just into the midst of danger (being ready to faint with 
thirst, having march'd eight miles without water), and then 
Charg'd them. The Van recieved the Charge, and fired orderly, 
but the Rear ran away, and Jackson the first Man of all. The 
way being narrow they ran upon my own Regiment, who charg'd 
their Pikes at Jackson and his Men to keep them back ; but they 
would not be stayed, but routed first that Regiment, then Major 
General Haynes's regiment.^ The Enemy followed eagerly, gave no 
quarter, so that the Major General and all our best OflScers, who 
scorned flight, fell in that Action. But the Sea Regiment coming 
on with my self and Vice Admiral Goodson in the head of them, 
with our Swords we forc'd the runaways into the Woods, rather 
choosiug to kill them than they should rout us ; which the Enemy 
seeing retreated, so that we recovered the dead Bodies and place 
of fight, which ground we kept though the Enemy's Cannon from 
the Fort swept away our Men by eight or nine at a shot. The 
Mortar piece was dmwn up to play, but such was the teiTour, 
or sloth, or both, that had possessed our Men, that not a man 
would work (for any rewards) to plant it. I had now been troubled 
for a fortnight with a grievous Flux, which had so weakened me 
(besides the pains of the day) that I could not go except supported 
by two, and thus I went from place to place as the Cannon play'd 
to encourage the Men to stand and to plant the Mortar Piece ; 
and at last fainting I was forc'd to leave the care [of it] to Major 
General Fortescue, who could prevail no more than my self had 
done. So resting there that night to bury our dead a Councel of 
War was call'd of all the Colls, and several Field OflBcers, where (no 
man dissenting) it was Voted that the difficulty of thirst was not 
to be overcome, the Enemy having barrocaded the way, and plac'd 
ambushes, so that we might dye of thirst (though we should beat 
them) before we could come to our Ships, who near the Town had 
* See Memorials of Sir William Penn, ii. 89. 

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found a place to land Water and all necessaries, which they had 
in readiness for us, as they inform 'd us ; and therefore resolv'd 
next morning to retreat at Sun rising, if the Mortar Piece could 
not play before, which we did accordingly. In this last Action our 
men shewed themselves so heartless that they only followed the 
Officers to charge, and there left them to dye, except they were as 
nimble footed as themselves ; entreaties, persuasions, reasons; not 
prevailing to stay them, though they neither were able nor knew 
whither to run with safety. Our planters we found most fearful, 
being only bold to do mischief, not to be commanded as Souldiers, 
nor to be kept in any civil order; being the most prophane 
debauch'd persons that we ever saw, scorners of Religion, and 
indeed men kept so loose as not to be kept under discipline, and 
so cowardly as not to be made to fight ; so that had we known 
what they would have prov'd, we should rather have chosen 
to have gone ourselves, as we came from England, than have taken 
in such to our assistance, who, we fear, with some others put upon 
us in England, have drawn this heavy affliction upon us, dishonour 
to our Nation and Religion. How sensible the Commissioners 
were of our streights and the cowardice of our Men, let their own 
letter to the Governour of Barbadoes (written in my absence) 


We are ashamed of the cowardice of our men, which yet 
continueth, and were not the enemy as cowardly as themselves, they 
might with a few destroy our Army, or else the Officers must leave 
their charges, and charge the enemy in a body together ; nor will 
they be brought to go on again (we mean the body of the Army), 
and to say the truth your Men and the Men of St. Christophers 
lead all the disorder and confusion. But having conferred with 
the Officers this day they all ^gree that these People will never 
be brought to March up to that place again. This hath made us 
to take up a new resolution (to our great grief and anguish of 

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Spirit), Vizt : to attempt Jamaica in the next place, and therefore 
desire you to send our Stores thither, if they be not as yet sent 
away ; and if the Great Charity be not there, not at all to send 
our Ordnance, Mortar Piece, Shells, and Balls for the Great Gunns, 
but keep them with you till further order ; but if she or any other 
Man of War come with them, then ship them in her, and let 
them go with the Stores, but carry the foremention'd back for 
England when the Stores are landed at Jamaica; And in case 
they should not find us at Jamaica then let all return for 
England. But General Penn will write to the Commanders of 
any Men of Warr or Store Ships more particularly, whose 
orders therein we pray you have special respect unto, if they 
shall be produced. Time will not permit us to tell you of every 
particular, nor to set out the worth of our General, how he sought 
by all Means to stop the base flight of our Men, and how our 
Men, nay Horses also (which are of little use in this thicket for 
fight) fell down upon their March, some dying with thirst upon 
the place, (but if strong Water or ordinary Water were but pour'd 
into them they instantly rose up and march'd). How valiantly 
Capt. Carpenter hathbehav'd himself [sic]. Capt. Paulet is slain in 
this last engagement, but whether of wounds in the back or 
forward as yet we know not. Thus you see our sad condition. 
We pray you present our respects to the Comissioners for the Prize 
Office. That God will be pleas'd to enable us to make a right 
use of this great affliction is the earnest desire of, 

Sir, Your humble Servants, 

William Penn, Edward Winslow, Gregory Butler. 

From abord the Swiffcsure, the 28th Apr., 1655.' 

This clause also in a Letter from Capt. Carpenter, Vizt : 
* In the last fight my Horse was shot under me, and I was carry'd 
away on foot in the throng, and spake to you as I met you bringing 
up the Sea Regiment to our relief, and beating up the remainder of 
the Major Generals Regiment to make them face the Enemy, and 

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did ailerwards tell you of the cowardice of Adjutant Jackson as the 
loss of our honours &c/ But not to excuse ourselves wholly, we 
fear we did trust too much in the Ann of Flesh, having so great 
an Army as England never sent into these parts before; and 
indeed our Number in this Woody Country was our trouble, not 
strength. In our first encounter we had some further discourage- 
ment from the Seamen. Our sick and wounded Men sent on 
board (for tents and carriages had none), were kept upon the 
bare deck forty eight hours, and had neither Meat, Drink, nor 
dressing, so that worms bred in their wounds, and Capt. 
Leverington, a Gallant Man, dy'd thereby, and our Victuals sent us 
on shore (as though we were not thirsty enough) unwatered, and 
even candid ' with Salt, so that our Men Could not eat it till 
necessity enforced ; And General Penn after our disaster gave the 
Rear Admiral order, though our Victuals were spent and a day 
more, that he should deliver us none, Mr. Winslow the Commis- 
sioner being present ;^ the Men, whom we do not justifie, being 
commonly called Dogs,^ and judg*d worthy (the motion being 
made accordingly) to be left to the enemy, and to set sail for 
England ; this being so horrid a motion my Soul detested it, and I 
should never have mentioned it, had not the neglects and injuries 
put upon me (with my own just defence) necessitated me thereunto, 
that the World might see the kindness the Seamen were like to 
express unto us in all our wants and extremities, and as an 
evidence to Confirm the relation of their former hard usage from 
them at Sea. So soon as we were retreated to the Sea side I fell 

' * Candy'd,* Lee-Townshend MS. 

' ' And whilst it was in debate what we should doe, they had none given them, 
and to that pass they were given that they devoured all the dogs, apes and horses 
in camp, and some did eat poisonous food, that (as I was informed) in a day forty 
died with it at once,* Lee-Townshend MS. 

* * It was moved that the soldiers (whom they commonly called doggs) should be 
left on shore to the mercy of the enemy, and set sayle for England (which horrid 
inhumanity my soul detested) and when they came to be shipped the officers would 
not suffer the regiment of Seamen to be first shipped, lest they should serve them 
a dogg-trick,' Lee-Townshend MS. 

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into examination of several miscarriages where Adjutant General 
Jackson was Charg'd, and the Charge prov'd upon Oath, that first, 
contrary to orders and my daily practice, he march'd without any 
to search the Woods to prevent ambushes. Secondly he took no 
Pikes; or very few, and plac'd them in the rear, as tho he fear'd our 
Horse only. Thirdly he put other OflBcers in the Van and himself 
brought up the Rear, near enough to claim honour if it were 
gotten, and in a safe place to run if there were occasion. Fourthly 
he was tbe first Man that was seen to run of the whole Party, and 
would not be stop'd, yea, for eagerness to be gone, that he at the 
Stop my Regiment gave him, which Caused a Crowd, with his hands 
took hold of them that were before and thrust them aside, that he 
might make way for himself to be foremost in the retreat. My self 
Coming up saw him upon a Pillow with a Woman by him weeping 
for him. I supposing him wounded, asked him how he did, he 
reply'd sore bruis'd. I ask'd the Woman what her concern was 
for him ; she said that her name was Jackson, and that her husband 
was slain. I told her she ought rather to look after her Husband 
than a stranger. All which being prov'd upon Oath before a 
Council of Warr, he was only sentenced to be Cashierd, and his 
Sword broken over his head, and to be made a Swabber to keep the 
Hospital Ship clean for the Health of those who by his evil conduct 
and cowardice were wounded. A sentence too gentle for so 
notorious an offender, against whom some of the Coll" made 
complaint for whoring and drunkenness at Barbadoes; but not 
being able to prove the fact, though considering his former course 
of Life the presumption was strong, he and a Woman lodging in one 
Chamber together and not any other person with either, enough to 
enduce a belief that he was an Offender, he having two Wives in 
England, and standing guilty of forgery ; all which I desir'd Major 
General Worsley to joyn with me in to acquaint his Highness 
with, that he might be taken off, and not suffered to go with me, 
lest he should bring a curse upon us, as I fear he did ; but his 
Highness would not hear, as Mr. Eaton of Duckinfield Church can 


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testifie,* to whom Major General Worsley related this matter in the^ 
Tower they Coming to see me ; after this both Perjury and forgery 

was proved against him in the case of Coll a Gent, of Barbadoea 

ruin'd by him by that means, upon the complaint and with the advice 
of the said Colonell I rebuk'd him privately, which he took so dis- 
tastefully that as it afterwards appeared he studied and endeavour'd 
nothing but mutiny, and [to] find fit matter to work upon, as in [an] 
Army that has neither Pay, Pillage, Arms, Ammunition, nor Victuals 
will not be difficult, but this I came to understand afterwards. We 
also proceeded against a Sergeant who in the last skirmish threw 
down his arms, crying out ' Gentlemen shift for yourselves, we are 
all lost ' and so ran away. He was hang'd with his fault written 
upon his breast. I must now insert a small digression : That during 
this and the former stay at this place for refreshment, my self being 
extreamly troubled with the Flux, having neither Tent nor other 
shelter, and the rain then falling, did for three nights go aboard to 
Lodge in a Ship about musket shot from the Shore, and returned in 
the morning. M^ Winslow came ashore to us, and press'd for a third 
attempt. The Officers universally declined leading up of their Men, 
but freely oflfer'd to Regiment themselves, so to live and die together; 
for their men (whom they had never known in England), being gene- 
rally new raised men, or Cavaliers that had been sent to Barbadoes, 
and often beaten at home, and therefore found it not safe to trust to 
their Courage, which they had Experienc'd to the loss of many of 
their fellows ; but this was declined by M"^ Winslow. Whereupon 
the commissioners consulted what was further to be done, [and] 
finding the Soldiers so cowardly, and not to be trusted or confided 
in, except rais'd in their Spirits by some smaller success, did 
therefore resolve to attempt Jamaica. During these debates the 
Soldiers supplies of Victuals being kept back by General Penns 
order, as is related, their wants were so great that they eat up all 

' Jackson was perhaps the Major Jackson of Col. Ashton's regiment mentioned 
in Capt. Hodgson's account of the battle of Preston (p. 32, ed. Turner). From 
these references he appears to have been a Lancashire man. 

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the Dogs, AsseSj and Horses in the Camp, and some eat Poisonous 
food; so that I was informed Forty six died with it at once, 
choosing Poison before famine. It being resolv'd that we should 
be shipd all to attempt Jamaica, but the OflScers refus'd to permit 
the Regiment of Seamen to be ship'd first, lest, as it was mention'd, 
they should be left on shore without food, Ammunition, Medica- 
ments, or any necessaries, to be given up to the mercy of the 
Enemy. But at the last all being got on board we set sail for 
Jamaica,^ where the first day following * we landed in the afternoon ; 
and here remembring our Mens Cowardice at Hispaniola, issued 
forth an order against runaways, that his next fellow should kill 
him, or be tried for his own life ; which one observes was a neglect 
at Hispaniola, but he had forgot that Ex malis moribus bonas leges 
nascuntur, and we could not aforehand conceive our men to be so 
basely Cowardly, but hop'd they had been English Men, but this 
nameless and shameless traducer shall have a full answer before I 
make an end.' When we came to land General Penn and myself 
went on board the Martin Galley (which play'd upon the Enemy 
in the Fort and they upon it), the better to order things in the 
attempt.* The Wind favoured us here, for being in the rear of our 
men they could not possibly row back, but must vanquish or die, 
and so I conceive were the bolder (necessity enforcing them), 
gaining with little Opposition the Enemy's Fort with some Guns. 
It being about three of the Clock the OflScers thought it best not 
to march thence that night, wanting Guides, and if they should 
want water (which was there to be had) the men being already 
with want and bad diet very weak might be endangered ; besides 
the Enemy might in an unknown place, where they could nob 
have day to View all passages and advantages, fall into their 
quarters. Whereupon it was deferr'd till next morning, which 

' May 4. « May 10. * The fifth day ' correctly says the LoeTownshend MS. 

* Harleian Miscellany, iii. 620. 

* Compare Memorials of Sir William Penn, ii. 99, and 7th Rep. Hist MSS 
Comm, p. 573. 

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being come we began our March with the San, and about noon 
came up to the Savanna by the Town, where two or three Spaniards 
at a distance made some signals of Civility. I commanded so 
many to go to them ; they then rid away, and presently made a 
stand. I commanded one well mounted to ask what they would. 
They desired a treaty. We told them we would treat when we saw 
any authorized from the Govemour ; whereupon they went away, 
and next morning a Priest and a Major came to us to desire a 
treaty, and that they would give us what in Reason we could 
desire. I told them we came not to pillage, but to plant ; and 
withal having been long at Sea with Salt Meat I expected they 
should send us in an hundred Cows daily for our supply, with fresh 
Meat and Cassavina^ Bread proportionable, or without those 
Supplies I would not Treat. Whereupon they sent us in Cattle, 
but not bread, alledgiog they had not enough for us. We pre- 
sently set Commissioners to work, but these desir'd that our men 
might not straggle for fear of their Mullatoes. We told them they 
were their Servants, and at their Command, and neither durst or 
would do any hurt but by their Command or" Connivance. The 
treaty went on, and the articles [were] concluded on as follows.^ 

' Imprimis, That all Ports, Arms, Ammunition, Utensils, and 
necessaries for Warr, of what kind or nature soever, (except what 
is hereafter exempted), and all kind of Shipping that now is in any 
Harbour of this Island, with the furniture, Sails,' Apparel, Ammu- 
nition, Ordnance, &c. thereunto belonging ; as also Goods, Wares, 
Merchandizes, and what else is upon the said Island, be delivered up 
unto the Right Honourable General Venables, or whom he shall 
appoint to receive the same, for the use of his Highness Oliver, 
the Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and 
Ireland, before the . . . dayof this Instant Month of May, without 
any deceit, embezlement, or Concealment whatsoever. 

' * Cassavia/ Lee-Townshend MS. 

' The treaty was signed on May 17. See Memorials of Sir William Penn^ ii. 
102-4 ; 7th Rep, Hist MSS. Comm. p. 574. » ' Tacle ' according to Povey's MS. 

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Secondly, That all and every the Inhabitants of the Island 
(except those hereafter excepted) shall have their lives granted, and 
shall not be abused in their Persons ; and that those of them that shall 
desire to depart this Island shall with their Wives and Children be 
transported to some part of Nova Hispania (Wind and weather per- 
mitting), or otherwise to some of the King of Spains dominions in 
America; they providing their own Provisions and Victuals necessary 
for the Voyage, the which they shall have the permission freely to do.* 

Thirdly, That all Commission Officers, and none else, have 
liberty to enjoy and wear their Rapiers and Ponyards. 

Fourthly, That liberty [be granted] to all that shall depart 
according to the second Article to carry with them their wearing 
apparel, and any books or Writings they shall desire. 

Fifthly, That all Artificers and meaner sort of Inhabitants as 
shall desire to remain on the Island (except hereafter excepted) 
shall enjoy their freedom and Goods (excepting Slaves), they 
submitting and conforming to the Laws and Government of the 
English Nation, and such others as shall be declar'd by 
Authority to be put in use and exercis'd within this Island. 

Sixthly, That all Goods and necessaries, as well Household as 
for draught, be continued at the several Habitations and Estancias 
to which they belong, and that all such Goods as have been 
convey'd from the places to which they belong'd respectively [and] 
are conceal'd or embezled, be returned to the several Habitations 
unto which they appertained before the . . . day of this Instant 
May, and that an accompt be given in thereof unto the said Rt. 
Honourable General Venables or his Deputies according to the 
Tenour of the first Article. 

Seventhly, That nothing in these present Articles be under- 
stood to Extend to any person that came to this Island upon a 
former Attempt under Capt. William Jackson, and then forsaking 

■ See for oommentB on this clause Barrington^s narrative, 7th Rep, Hist. MSS. 
Catnm. p. 674. They were to be transported by June 16. 

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their Colours revolted to the Enemy, and that the Govemour do 
deliver the said Persons into the Power aforesaid. 

Eighthly, That such Hostages or Rehenes ^ as shall be desir'd be 
given on the part of the Inhabitants for the true performance of 
these Articles, and also for the safe return of the English Ships 
that shall be appointed for the transportation of those that desire to 
depart this Island. 

Ninthly, That in order to the transportation of those that 
shall depart the Number of them be certainly known that con- 
venient Shipping be provided accordingly, it is agreed that the 
Master of every Family, or other free person of the Inhabitants 
of this Island that shall depart, do within . . . days after the 
date hereof bring unto the said Right Honourable General 
Venables or his Deputies a perfect List of all the Persons of their 
respective families for whom they expect transportation according 
to the precedent Articles, As likewise the Names and number of 
all the Servants and Slaves that belonged unto them on the . . . 
day of this Instant Month. 

Tenthly, That a true list of all other the Inhabitants and freemen 
of the Island with their Names, Titles, qualities, and occupations, 
together with the names of their "Wives, Children, Servants, and 
Slaves, be brought in to the said General or his deputies within 
. . . days after the date hereof. 

Eleventhly, That for all such persons whose names shall be so 
delivered at the Port of Caguaya to such as shall be there 
appointed by the General of the fleet to receive the same for the 
use of the said Persons to be transported. 

(12) That all Slaves Negroes and others be required by their 
several masters to present themselves upon the . . . day of this 
Instant May before the Right Honourable General Venables upon the 
Savanna before the Town of Caguaya, to receive such favourable con- 
cessions as are intended to be made unto them touching their Liberty. 

(13) That all persons that are to be transported be ready at 

• Behen = hostage. 

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the Port of Caguaya before the . . . day of this May, or be utterly 
excluded touching their Liberty from the benefit of these Articles.' 

The Commissioners for us were : 

Major General Fortescue, Vice Admiral Goodson, Coll. Richard 
Holdipe, Coll. Edward Doyly. 

Signed by these and the Spanish Commissioners. I have the 
Original of these in Spanish, but whether rightly translated or no 
I cannot say because I understand not the Language. 

The Articles being sign'd by the Commissioners I demanded 
the Commissioners for Hostages for performance and kept them 
and the Governor (whom I fetch 'd in) as Hostages; but there was 
a Coll. amongst them Enemy to the Govemour, who perswaded 
the People (being a Man of Interest and authority amongst them), 
that if they did drive away the Cattle they might starve us away. 
. One of the Commissioners sent his Priest (who was a discreet Negar) 
to dissuade them from the course, but they hanged him : where- 
upon this Gent (Don Acosta, a Portuguise) to revenge the death 
of his Priest whom he lov'd, directed us how to recover all the 
cattle, informing us whither they had driven them into the 
Mountains they could not carry them, and that the cattle rau&t 
come into the Plains to drink, which fell out accordingly. 

I was also informed about this time that the Soldiers stragled 
abroad to kill cattle, and in regard the country was Woody, 
except they shot them dead (which was not usual) they ran into 
the Woods, and there rotted ; so that as I was assured some 
hundreds were found thus dead, which course (if suffered) would 
in short time consume all the cattle, and then the Army must 
starve. To prevent which mischief, the Men being sometimes 
slain by stragling, I order'd that no private Soldier should hence- 
forward go forth to kill cows alone, but that commanded parties 
should constantly be sent forth to fetch in cows for the Armys 
necessary supply, and for the future we were constantly furnished 
with beef, and this was not (as M"" I. S. said) * starving in a cooks 

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Shop/ * and this rule being observed by Coll. Holdipe he had 
cattle. But bread we extreamly wanted which was sent us with 
a streight and slack hand, and also very bad, as the following 
Letters will Evidence writ into England by some Gentlemen to 
their friends, who since gave some of them (and copies of others 
attested under their hands) to me. 

Jamaica, the 4th Jiine, 1655. 
* Loving Brother, 

These are to let you know that we are at the Island of Jamaica, 
which is a very good Island, very fruitful of cattle. At present 
we are possessed of the Town and of their Houses, and the People 
are fled into the Mountains not daring to fight us, so that now we 
are spreading our Army into the country to quarter and to prevent 
the Enemy from getting Provision, so also to plant for our own 
relief; for our Shipping not coming to us hath put us to great loss 
and hardship, so that all the loss we had at Hispaniola was occa- 
sioned thereby, which [was] for want of Arms, Provisions, and of 
guides, but that you will hear all and more than all by some that 
came back from us ; some of which I suppose came only to see 
Golden Mountains, and to plunder, not expecting to meet with so 
many difficulties as we met with, which was much occasioned by 
some misinformation that my Lord Protector had of the great 
Supplies of Men and Provisions that we should have at the Island. 
Which was much to their and our hurt, for they did for us what 
they were able, and for the Men we had from thence, for the most 
part [they] prov'd good for little ; I dare say that one Thousand of 
our Soldiers that came out of England or Ireland is better than five 
Thousand of them, for they have been for the most part such old 
beat/cn runaways as that they know how to do little else except to 
Plunder ; and for those we carried out of England, we now find 
by sad experience that but few of them were old Soldiers, but cer- 
tainly most of them were Apprentices that ran from their Masters, 
and others that came out of Bridewell, or one Gaol or another ; so 
* See Harleian Miscellany^ iii. 522. 

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that in onr poor Army we have but few that either fear God or 
i:everence Man. 

Bat blessed be God those that are in chief place ai'e Godly, 
and we have Godly teachers among us, so that I hope God will 
carry on his work among us, and I hope -that the Lord Protector 
will be careful to send better Men, I mean both better Soldiers and 
as many Godly Men as may be, for certainly we had a great many 
of bad Commanders as well as bad Soldiers. How they got in I 
know not, but Barbadoes did discover many of them, and God will 
discover them I hope more and more, and weed them out from 
among us. Our Enemies having much time to fly away before us, 
did carry the best of what they had with them, they having so 
many Horses and carts to carry with ; for this place doth abound 
with Horses, so that we have mounted diverse of our Men, and are 
about to mount more, they being of such special use to us as we 
find them to be. But I hope ere long they will all fall into our 
hands, for on the Mountains they have little to live upon, and but 
two narrow passages to come down, which we have sent to block 
up ; so that I hope that work will be short. You will too soon 
hear what Commanders we lost before St. Domingo, but among 
the rest Major Ferguson was slain the same day and time that 
Major General Haynes was slain. 

Tell M'^ Partington that his runaway apprentice came to me to 
send him home ; he would be glad of the scraps that comes from 
his Masters Table, for indeed he and all the rest of those runaways 
God hath met with them to purpose ; for indeed great hath been 
the hardships we have met with, and the streights we are now in 
are very great. For these Seventeen days we have had but three 
biskets of bread a Man, neither OflScer, nor Soldier ; and sometimes 
little or no Meat for two or three days together, and when God 
will send us supplies we know not. We find it somewhat difficult 
to get Cattle, and that is the most we live upon, and it is not a 
few that we shall spend in Six Months ; but our eyes are towards 
him that knows what is good for us. We had yesterday some of 

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our Enemif & bix)Ught in, and hope God will bring them all in, and 
some of our Ships are come in, but it is but little Provision they 
bring us. So not having else at present, I rest, 

Your Loving Brother till death, 

Daniel How/ V 

' These are to certifie those whom it may concern, That I 
being now again to go to Sea thought it convenient to leave a few 
lines behind me touching what I have formerly said in relation 
to our Voyage to the West Indies, having had several debates 
Concerning the same with several commanders and others Persons 
of quality about this City, and not knowing what some may say in 
absence left this for Vindication of the truth by whomsoever spoken. 

(?. 1st. The great Question hath been for the most part how 
it came to pass we had so bad success in our Voyage ? 

A. That it was Gods handy work for the Sins of the Nation, 
OS also for our Sins who were very unfit Instruments for such 
a work, being for the most part such as were not Soldiers, and but 
few but such as were more than ordinary Wicked and debauch'd, 
and that not only private Soldiers but several Commanders also, 
which might justly provoke the Lord against us. 

Q. 2nd. But what might be the Cause; was it through the 
bad carriage of the Generals, or thro' want, or how do you 
conceive ? 

A. Herein I shall give a relation in the presence of the 
great Lord of Heaven and Earth, according to truth, as I did 
apprehend things to be through the whole Voyage. We had from 
Portsmouth to Barbadoes a very comfortable and speedy passage, 
where we lay about Ten Weeks looking for our Store Ships, both 
for Ammunition and Provision, and seeing no supplies to come 
did fear some trouble in England that might possibly hinder ; we 
fear'd the danger of the Sea also, but it did appear that it was 
Gods own handy work to prevent our Store Ships from Coming 
* Daniel How Tvas a captain in Colonel Carter's regiment. 

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,to US ; by which means we were in present want of Arms tmd 
.Ammonition, as did appear that we were necessit^^ted to take 
Arms from the Islanders, and to make half Pikes of Cabbage Trees 
and other wood, which prov'd very useful, and our arms very bad 
which we had, and some had none at all, which made our raeix very 
heartless. Further when we set sail from Barbadoes we then w^nt 
Six Men to four Mens allowance, but all this while our Men had 
their health well. But when we were brought to Hispaniola and 
to land, there we had but three days Provision, and diverse Soldiers 
being put out of their Ships the day before into small vessels, and 
when we landed there was one day spent in landing, so that 
there was two days Provisions spent to some and one days 
to the whole, so that many had but one days Victuals to march 
with, and the rest but two ; with which we march'd up to 
St. Domingo, and drew off again, and [it] was till either 
Thursday or Friday before we had any more Victuals, we landing 
on Saturday morning, in which long March we were several times 
in great want of Water to the great prejudice of the Army. 

Q. 3rd, But why did you draw off again the first time from 
St. Domingo ? 

A. We were necessitated to it for want of Water and 
I^ovisions ; for I do think had we stayed till next day and not 
have taken the Town, we should have lost more than half the Army ; 
for drawing off that night, the Army being so weak with want and 
weariness we could hardly draw off, and many doubtless were not 
able to draw off, but were lost. 

Q. 4th. But how came you to be so routed again the last time 
when you went toward St. Domingo ? 

A. Doubtless there was a great fault in Jackson who com- 
manded the forlorn, for that they were so easily routed ; for this 
yon are to know, that if a forlorn be routed in such a place as that 
was, where but four could march abreast, and that those that are 
routed turn in upon the body, that must of necessity breed a great 
confusion, and this was our case, and most of those men were 

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either no Soldiers, or old beaten mnaways in England, Scotland, 
and Ireland, and so by their mning, or endeavouring so to 
do, routed those that would have stood if they Could, many of 
which were slain and trod down in that throng, and doubtless it fell 
upon the worst Regiment of all those that went out of England, 
for that they had the most of those new rais'd forces at the 
Barbadoes, many of which were ^ood for little ; and indeed this 
I must say, that of those we carried out of England we found 
there was but few old Soldiers, for I am of that Judgment that 
we had not above one Thousand old Soldiers in our Army. 

Q. 5th. Why did you draw off again and not march into 
St. Domingo? 

A. We were not able to do it, our Army being then so weak, 
and no water to l)e had, and we nothing to carry it with us, were 
forc'd to draw off in the most private way that could be, lest 
we should there loose all. 

Q. 6th. Why did you not march up again ? 

A. The General calling a Council of Officers to advise with, 
they did unanimously refuse, as judging the Army not in capacity 
so to do ; and the rather for that we were that time about three 
or four days in which we had no Provisions at all from the Ships, 
in which time Horses, Asses, and Dogs, were good food to 
our poor Soldiers, in which time Men fell down apace. 

Q. 7th. But why did General Venables suffer that being one of 
the Commissioners ? 

A. He could do no more than he could do, it being in the 
hands of General Penn ; and this I remember that a little before 
Major General Haynes was slain, I asked him why the Regiment 
of Seamen took place of our Regiment, Coll, Carter being 
established in England, who I had heard before to take offence 
at it. His answer was that he desir'd me to speak no more of 
it ; for that they were forc'd to comply with them what they could, 
to get that which was their own, [from] which I gather that the 
fault was in General Penn, and not in General Venables. 

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Hius being again necessitated to go on bord to get to some 
other place, Grod so ordering it by a hand of his Providence as to 
bring ns to Jamaica ; where we landed with a small portion of 
Victuals for two or three days, having been kept on board at half 
allowance to no allowance, for in Seventeen days we had bnt 
three biskets a man, and those the worst I ever saw before or 
since to my best remembrance ; in which time during the Treaty 
with the Spaniards and their flying away from us all other 
things were hard to come by, for that the Spaniards at their 
flight drove away their cattle. 

. Q. 8th. But why were not the Soldiers suffered to go abroad 
to get what they could ? 

A. For that they were commanded upon pain of death not to 
go forth but by order, and that for these reasons : — 

1 St. Because the Spaniards had promised within so many days 
to come in and bring what they had, 

21y. For that after their flight they did kill diverse of our Men 
that did straggle abroad, so that it was thought better to send out 
in parties, and a Commission OflScer or more to command the party. 
3rdly. Because that those that did straggle abroad did do 
much spoyl in gathering fruits not half grown, which doubtless 
was a great cause of want. 

Q. 9th. Was any punish'd according to the rigour of that 
order with Death ? 

A. No. But some were made prisoners, and those who were 
eminently guilty, and some rid the Wooden Horse, and two who 
were notorious swearers were whipt, and burnt through the 
Tongue, for that and other misdemeanors ; which was done in the 
time of General Venables sickness a little before our coming away. 

Q. 10th. But why should any be punish'd for going abroad to 
get relief? 

A, Their going abroad was not only hurtful to the Army, in 
spoiling carder and fruits, but also in making the cattle wild, 
for they were not so, but might with ease be drawn into Penns 

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with Men on Horse-bacfc, but our men shooting at the cattle 
woanded many, and killing but few made the cattle wild, and to 
run much further from us, and much harder to come by ; for I 
heard Capt. Jones's Lieutenant say in two days, being sent to 
fetch in cattle, he had seen about four score wounded cattle in the 
Woods, some having their guts trailing after them ; so that few 
were to be seen before we came away in those places where there 
were Thousands to be seen before, which being suffer'd must needs 
bring scarcity. 

Q. 11th. But why did your General come home ? 

A. That one main reason was he was generally thought the 
fittest man to come home ; for that he was best able to give an 
account of the affairs of the Army to his Highness. Further he 
had not his health, and the Doctors said he would die if he did 
not go on Shipboard ; also he came with the consent, and as I 
Conceive at the desire of the Major part of the Field Officers.^ 

Q. 12th. But how did General Venables carry himself in his 

A. He did in my Judgment carry himself like a Godly, Valiant, 
discreet General, exposing himself to the greatest danger, and 
sharing with us in our wants, and one that did in his place 
endeavour the suppressing of Sin and the Promotion of Godliness, 
and one that I conceive would have done it more had he fit 
Instruments for his help in that kind, which I concieve was much 
wanting. Daniel How.* 

Here also followeth some abstracts of a Letter from Mr. John 
Daniel' of our afiairs to his brother Coll. William Daniel, Gover- 
nor of St. Johnston's in Scotland, from whom I received the par- 
ticulars following. 

1 See Thurloe, iii. 523. The resolutions of the Council of War, held June 7, 
1655, bear out this statement. 

* Auditor General of the Armj ; this letter is printed at length in Thurloe, iii. 
504, with slight variations. Povey and Long both date the letter June 13. 

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The Original of another letter from M"" Daniel to one M*" 
Stirrope and much to the same purpose I have by me, and there^: 
fore forbear to insert it. 

I then being very weak order[ed] the Council of Warr to fall 
about the distributing the Army into the several Plantations, that 
they might fall to work, and live (for the future) upon their own 
endeavours, and fix plantations to be supplies at hand (Europe 
being far of) for the further carrying on the design in what other 
places should be judged most fit to attempt, according to my^ 
Instructions. I sent also several Parties abroad to discover the 
country, and attempt upon the Enemy, and to secure the passes 
into the Mountains, who returned with some Prisoners and 
Pillage, and shortly after most of the Regiments were 86 nt to 
their several Plantations as it fell to them by lot. I press'd' 
again for Bread, but it was answered the Men must work or tott J 
I reply 'd their present labours must stay a time to receive thi 
return of a crop, and if they were not supply'd till they did reap 
the fruit of their endeavours they would certainly be lost or rot 
before that day, but all as above witnessed by letter did take 
little effect upon those who regarded not our misery and sufferings; 
About this time I dispatched some Letters into England to give art 
account of our condition. i 

A Letter to Secretary Thurloe, June 13'*, 1655.* 

* Since my last we have only taken some [few] prisoners ; the rest 
continue in the mountains, wanting Houses, Bread, &c. willing td 
submit, if not aw'd by a few, and discourag'd by some Soldiers that 
are unruly occasion'd by extream want, which to redress was the 
work of this day ; and we hope to make them good subjects, bein^ 
most of them Portuguise 5 the Spaniards we shall remove, and en- 
deavour to gain all of them by our civility. 

' This letter is also printed in Thurloe^s State Papers, iii. 545. The same 
collection contains an earlier letter from Venables and Butler to the Protector 
dated June 4 (p. 509). 

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We struggle with all diflSculties : aboat Two Thousand Men 
sick.' We fall short both in Bread and Brandy and of what was 
promised, if believ'd,* to be provided for us. We have not three 
Weeks Bread, and little Cassavy in the Country, of which the 
Enemy steals a share. Our Mendie daily, eating roots and fresh 
flesh (when any food is gotten) without Bread, or very little, we 
not daring on a sudden to take them from bread, by degrees 
accustoming them to want that which none will have Five Weeks 
hence, at half a bisket a Man per Diem. 

There must some Block Houses be erected at the Harbours 
mouth, were our men able to work at such hard Ijabour, which 
indeed I fear will not be able to plant Cassavy to feed them or 
other necessaries to preserve Life, many preferring, nay desiring, 
death rather than Life. Though they have recovered their Hearts 
(courage I cannot say they had) ^hich they lost at Hispaniola, Yet 
I am confident they must not be the Men must carry on this 
design in the field, it may be they may in the Country by 
Planting, for I am confident had we rais'd men over England at a 
Venture, we should have been better fitted than by those assign'd 
us. These with some other reasons have mov'd the Council of Warr 
to desire me (if the Lord gave health) to present our condition to 
his Highness and Council, with some expedients, which at present 
are not resolv'd upon ; neither am I able to enlarge, having quite 
spent my Spirits to give some competent Account by General Penn, 
who Yesterday Visited me, and told me he resolv'd for England 
to-morrow, a warning too short for me to be large, who am so 
weak after five Weeks flux, only some few days intermission. 

The enclosed is a true Account of the Island which for 
commodities — air at least — equalizes, and scituation to annoy ' the 
Spaniards exceedeth Hispaniola in the Judgment of 

Sir, Your Very Humble Oblig'd Servant 

Robert Venables. 

» * Near 3,000 men eick/ Venables to Montague, May 20. Carte, ii. 61. 

* * Of what was promised and wee beleeved,' Thurloe, iii. 64d. 

* MS. ' among.* Thurloe supplies the right reading. 

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A Leticr to Mr, Noel^^ June 13, 1655 

* I received yours Concerning M"^ Blake, And the other 
expressing my Lords mind in the managing this design, which at 
present we cannot put in Execution. First, because it was not positive 
in our Instructions, but Conditional. Secondly, In regard ther are 
few Plantations all along that Coast to Carthagene, and by conse- 
quence not Victuals for us. Thirdly, Carthagena itself is Five Miles 
distant from any fresh water, and is supply'd only with rain water 
kept in Cisterns, and so we not able to stay there any time. 
Fourthly, Our Tents not Coming, nor our Stores, we doubted the 
Rains (which would kill us all) would overtake us before we could 
gain any place of Shelter or make one, they usually on that Coast 
falling in the beginning of April, and destroying the Natives, if 
lying in the open Air as we must, and our men raw and unseasoned 
to the Climate. You were pleas'd to assure me by the Coll. and 
Commissioner Povey that one hundred Tuns of Brandy were put 
aboard the Fleet for the Land Men as well as the Sea Men. We 
find a very great failure in this, and our Men die daily, as the 
Physicians tell me, for want of it * and Bread, of which last none 
must taste five Weeks hence at the rate of half a bisket per diem, 
and fresh fiesh and roots put them into Fluxes, which sweep them 
away by Ten and twenty per diem frequently. Our planting tools 
fall very ehort ; we must have more, Forty setts a piece for Smiths 
and Carpenters. I am informed that much of our Cloathing is 
spoil'd at Sea with wet ; a Supply of this also with Store of Iron 
and steel. Shoes, and Linnen, we want most. Match and flint waste 
daily, and not to be supply'd here ; Ammunition also and a new 
Squadron of Ships. But I earnestly desire you to press hard for 
Swords, and Targets, and black Jacks ; without the last not one 
man can march in these torrid Regions, where Water is precious 
and scant ; and without the other we shall do little service in these 

I Alderman Martin Noel. See Thurloe, iil. 514. 

^ See the letters of Venables to Penn. Report on tlu Portland MS. ii. 93. 


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perpetual Wildernesses. And if you forget Brandy, Bread, Meal, 
Pease, and Rice, never expect good of all that hath been expended, 
nor probably shall see us alive. Our wants [are] great ; our 
difficulties are many; unruly raw Soldiers, the Major part, 
ignorant ; Lazy dull Officers that have a large Portion of Pride, 
but not of Wit, Valour, or Activity ; but this must not be made 
publick, though I desire my Lord may know it, but no more. 
Good Sir, stir for us with Vigour, and you will ever Oblige 

Sir, your very humble servant. 

Robert Venables/* 

A Letter to Mr. Rowe, 

' I must of necessity inform you of a jarr that hath lately been 
betwixt Capt. Butler and myself, upon information given me of 
his setting the Officers in disgust against me, of which several 
complaints were made unto me ; whereupon I told him of it, and 
indeed call'd him drunken sot ; for when the Treaty was betwixt 
the French Govemour and us, he was so drunk that he fell from his 
Horse and vomited, of which I have sufficient Witness, and my Lord 
Protector was much derided by them for employing such a man as 
he was in so honourable employment. Pray sir, If there shall be 
any blemishes cast upon me or the Army,* move the Council that 
they will not Credit any rumours, but leave their own thoughts 
free till they have heard all Parties, and judge upon clear proofs 
and Grounds of reason, that the old Adage, vizt. Audi alteram 
partem, may be my share is all. I have enclos'd sent you a Copy 
of a part of a Letter to Mr. Secretary Thurloe, besides my Weakness, 
and the scattering of the Regiments into several Plantations of the 
Country, and the departure of the Commissioners and Fleet which 
should transport from place to place, and want of Provisions makes 
me incapable of doing more service to my Friends. 
Sir, I am Your Very humble Servant 

June 14th. ROBERT VeNABLES.' 

* Again the signature is erroneously given in Long's MS. as • Richard.' 
2 Compare the letter of Venables to Penn, May 23. Portland MSS. i^^?^,^^T^ 

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These things dispatch 'd General Penn prepar'd to return, and 
notwithstanding all intreaties, and his own promises to stay 
with us till a new Fleet came, which was urg'd, would not be 
diverted. But before he took leave he seutto me in June 1655 to 
sign a Post Commission, dated December the Eighth, 1654, for 
Mr. Poole, his Nephew, to take Charge of the Prizes, and at the 
same time a Warrant for his discharge from that place, which 
Contained an acquittance also : both which I refused to sign, and by 
Letter gave him my reasons, desiring that there might be an 
Auditor setled for that and all other Accompts that did Concern 
the State, but was refused, but my signing the Warrant and 
acquittance earnestly press'd, which I as Constantly denied. The 
discharge was not Inserted, but the Sum of his Pay left to me to 

' By the Commissioners appointed for ordering and managing 
the Affairs in America. 

Whereas we lately issued out a Warrant to Mr. William Poole, 
Prize OflScer, requiring of him to deliver unto Mr. Samuel Crave, 
succeeding him in the said Employment, a perfect Accompt of all 
such Prizes and Prize Goods as he the said William Poole hath 
been hitherto intrusted withal, as the Prizes and Prize Goods 
themselves likewise, and that we find by the Receipt of the said 
Samuel Crave that he hath fully and entirely performed what was 
requir'd of him by the said Order ; We do therefore hereby declare 
that we fully and Completly discharge him the said William Poole 
of the said Employment of Prize Officer, And in Consideration of 
his pcdns taken therein and faithful Accompt etc' . . . 

There were also Letters writ by some of General Penn 's Officers 
to some of my Friends to entreat them to perswade me to sign the 
Warrant (at least), but all prevailed not with me. 

« 2 

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Therefore I writ him the following Letter — 

' Yours found me in a most weak Condition, my flux as violent 
as ever, no rest the last night nor this day, which makes me make 
use of another Pen. Concerning the Auditor, it is the place not 
the Person I desire to settle, and without which the State will be a 
great looser, and your self gave directions here to draw an order for 
the same, tho' since M^ Cary assur'd me you denied to sign the order. 
But as te M*" Poole, truly I do owe the Gentleman all just respect 
and shall pay it, but cannot in this particular, and therefore must 
remind you of former passages at Barbadoes. We intended to 
settle a Prize Office, and upon your mentioning M*" Poole his 
honesty and ability, we Offered to Commission him. You answered 
you had done that already. We answered, without our hands he 
was not our Officer, and we must joyn others with him ; the 
Commission was press'd by us to be accepted ; Invoices, Bills of 
Lading &c. call'd for ; none could be got, till at last a Copy of some 
examinations, and a Copy of Invoices was brought in, which was 
delivered to M*" Cary, and immediately by M*" Poole borrowed back, 
and could never be got again, tho' often demanded ; and your self 
Answered you saw it delivered in (when it was not to be found), 
which we all acknowledged, but wondred, until M*^ Cary told the 
Reason before mentioned. Our Warrants to him to deliver any- 
thing were declin'd, and your self did answer. You would ordsr 
him to Issue forth what we desir'd. We never had Checque upon 
him, never saw the Original Invoices, nor his Accompts ; which 
caus'd M*" Winslow and myself to resolve to meddle no more in it, 
only to receive what was tend red to Carry on the Expedition. 
So that how I can vary from that resolution I see not, being as 
ignorant of what he hath done Jis the meanest Officer that serves 
under me. And tho' I do not intend hereby to blemish the 
Gentleman's Integrity, (I desire not to be so understood.) but 
profess I cannot see how I can justify my self should I discharge 
him (as the Paper tenderd me doth) froni all things, and yet 

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know nothing, nor see any Charge against him, save what himself 
(a thing unusual) bringeth in. The Letter to his Highness I have 
altered to satisfie Capt. Butler, left out the beginning, and made 
the latter part what was first agreed upon ; for as it now is altered 
it speaks a plain advice from me for your return, which you know 
I ever declined to give. Concerning the ordering the Fleet that 
stays,* I have reason to be pressing, being so much interessed * with 
the whole Army in it, and having a Vote in all things that 
tend to advantage this present design, yet like to know nothing 
(till you are gone) what our Condition will be, and if my exceptions 
be against what you order its not possible to rectifie the same. I 
desire it again that so we may see if anything may be amended in it. 
Sir, Your Civilities more and more engage, and my power to acknow- 
ledge (I dare not say requite) lessens. I pray disfurnish not 
yourself for him whose Weakness does not a little stagger the 
hopes of a speedy Voyage, tho' I know God can raise from the 
dust. Your trouble and want of M"" Lawes I am sensible of, being 
my self under (I am certain) as great difficulties. My Service to 
the Vice Admiral and Rear Admiral, with the rest of your Officers 
and Capt. Poole. I beseech you Sir, think not prejudicially of me 
that I cannot Comply with your desires. I shall in anything 
in my power manifest myself 

Sir, Your very real Servant 

Robert Venables.* 

June 18th, 1C55. 

Here followeth a Certificate of M*". Henry Cary, Secretary to 
his Highness Commissioners, who being present at all debates 
knew all transactions, and was more Concerned than ordinary 
about this business of Prize Goods. He fell sick at Jamaica, and 
in the presence of several drew the following relation, and had not 
weakness prevented, had enlarged it to all other Occurrences 

* Penn*8 commission and instructions to Goodson, dated June 21, are printed 
in Tharloe*8 State Papers^ iii. 582. • * Having so much interest/ Povey. 

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according to a Letter he had writ to the Bight Honourable the 

Lady K Viscountess Ranalaagh, who finding the Letter did 

much clear my Innocency shew'd the same to M*". Secretary 
Thurloe, who desir'd it from her Honour to shew it to his Highnes, 
but would never return it back again, by which means I am 
depriv'd of a most singular evidence as to my Vindication, though 
that honourable Lady is ready to testifie what I assert. But 
necessity hath Confin'd me to what followeth — 

* M*". Henry Gary, Secretary to the Commissioners, is ready to 
depose upon Oath, being the Expressions of a dying Man, that 
having been an Eye Witness to all the proceedings of the Right 
Honourable General Bobert Venables through the whole Course of 
this American Expedition, he judges in his Conscience and in the 
presence of God, that the said Bight Honourable General Bobert 
Venables is not in the least liable to those Malicious censorious 
reports which his Enemies Labour to asperse him withal ; which 
that it may more fully appear, he thinks good to collect briefly 
every one of them as they came to his knowledge. 

First, For what may be objected at the Barbadoes that he 
neglected the care of the Prize Goods, soe that the State might 
judge itself highly Cheated, He testifies that he was often present 
when both the said General Bobert Venables and M"^. Edward 
Winslow did earnestly press the Bight Honourable General William 
Penn to return them in an exact Accompt of all the Prize Goods and 
Prize Ships that were at any time siezed on, but he for a long 
time refus'd to comply with their requests, but at length presented 
them with a copy, (keeping the Original to himself,) which very 
copy was desir'd of me the Secretary by M*". William Poole, (Con- 
stituted Commissioner of the Prize Oflice by General Penn alone 
without the Consent of the other Commissioners, and without a 
Cheque to controul his proceedings in case there should be any 
miscarriages,) under a pretence of copying out the said Papers, 
promising faithfully to return them again immediately ; but not- 
withstanding he retained them so long that they were fain to be 

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left with the Commissioners of the Prize Office erected at the 
Barbadoes, there being no time left for the copying them out, we 
being upon the f oint of departure. And that he may make an end 
of all that relates to the same business at once he is ready further 
to depose : 

That the Bight Honourable General Penn intending to depart 
for England sent a Commission to be signed by the Bight Honour- 
able General Venables, impowering the said William Poole to Act 
as Commissioner of the Prize Office, bearing date from the time 
General Penn had employed him in the said trust, which was refus'd 
by General Venables for three reasons. 

1"*. That he had no Cheque all along whilst he discharged the 

2*^ Because there was contained in the same a totall and 
entire discharge both of the Employment of the said William Poole, 
as also of his Accompts, which having not been examined by any 
Auditor was thought very unreasonable. 

3""^. By reason General Venables and Commissioner Winslow 
having heretofore offered to General Penn to sign a Commission to 
the said William Poole he slighted their proffer. Notwithstanding 
the refusal of General Venables to sign the said Commission for 
the reasons aforesaid. General Penn gets Commissioner Butler to 
joyn with himself in signing it. And this is the whole truth, and 
nothing but the Truth, as I hope to see the face of God. 

The next objection of miscarriage in General Venables is 
usually the landing at Hispaniola so far of from St. Domingo. 
In answer to which the same deponent with the same seriousness 
and protestations as in the former deposition testifies, That the 
landing so far of was extreamly Contrary both to the Expedition * 
and resolution of the said General Venables.' 

General Penn during these transactions writ to me the follow- 
ing Letter But though Money was press'd for, yet no Auditor 

^ Expectation? 

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would be established, that M"" Poole's and others Accompts might 
be viewed, wherefore I refus'd, but Commissioner Butler, as I was 
informed, signed all without scruple. 

I have hitherto delay'd a Narrative of some Engagements 
betwixt General Penn and myself, which was thus. 

At first when I came aboard I began to consider that without 
mutual agreement betwixt us all would be destroyed,* and there- 
upon told him that if this design did miscarry none would bear the 
blame but he and my self, and therefore added that seeing that 
our own reputations, the Honour of our Nation, and (which was more 
than all other Considerations) the Glory of God whose Gospel we 
went to Propagate, did lye at stake, I desired that there might be 
that joint affectionate assistance of each to other in all things as 
might enable ourselves to discharge our trust, and discourage any 
that might endeavour to sow Division betwixt us, which would 
ruin -us. He accepted the motion, and we engaged Solemnly to 
each other. But how ho performed, giving my men no Victuals, 
or too short in proportion, also in denying to lend me Arms for 
those that wanted, having spare arms aboard and no use for them, 
in sending away our Guide, refusing to run the fleet into the 
Haven, Landing us against Vote and desire so far of the Town, 
and suffering the Seamen to Traduce me, about which I writ to 
him, or whether he could have acted more destructive to the design 
than what he did, let all rational Men judge. But being ready to 
return for England he writ to me to mind me of our Engagement 
without which Letter I could not have proved our Engagement, or 
his breach of faith, nor Clear'd my self in several particulars, 
especially in trusting to his word and promise, which made me not 
so cautious to prevent his designs upon me, for who could have 
thought that a man professing Religion, and employed about the ad- 
vancement of the Gospel of Christ, durst have acted so much for its 
Enemies. He had formerly without the least provocation from me 
(save my refusal to sign M"" Poole's acquittance and Commission, 

' See Cromwell's letter to Penn, December 20, 1G64, Portland MSS. ii. 89. 

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and also a Letter to his Highness which contain'd my consent to 
his return) sent me a Letter with a strange Close, which followeth — 


Several Commanders of the Fleet having at the request of the 
late Major General and other Land Officers issued out diverse 
parcels of Cloaths (laid on board by the State for the use of the 
Seamen), for present supplying the necessities of several and 
many of the Soldiers in the Cold weather at Coming out of 
England, I therefore desire you would be pleas'd to appoint some 
person or persons to receive the Accompt thereof, and take some 
Course that satisfaction be given to the said Commanders ; for other- 
wise they will assuredly be made at Home to pay for the same out 
of their own Purses, which will be very hard requital for their readi- 
ness to Comply with the said Officers in that exigent. Hoping 
you will Consider thereof, and let them have no occasion to 
Complain, I rest. Sir, 

William Penn/ 

Swiftsnre 8th June 1655. 

But having no return from me unsuitable to our Engagement 
of Love, he sent me for his farewell another about some business, 
and the Close of it speaks thus — 


I hope we shall both bear in mind the mutual Promise made 
solemnly between us (as in the presence of God) of Love and 
affection to be Conserved inviolably between us, and how that if 
any sower of sedition should endeavour to dissolve so sacred a Tie, 
to discover such Persons and projects either to other. I for my 
part have and do firmly adhere to the same, and hope you are 
like minded. If you have any Commands to lay upon me now 
homeward bound you shall find them with all faithfulness effected, 
and that I shall in all things study to be 

Sir, Your true Friend and Servant 

William Pexn.' 

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I purposely omit the matter of business, the Letter being very 
long, and my answer declares what the mattera were. My Letter 
foUoweth — 

To General Penn. 

' I received yours this Instant, being scarce able to hold a Penn, 
and weaker than ever. The Merchants debt I desire may be 
discharged on the Committee of the Navy ; here are Prize Ships 
enough to reimburse them, but for anything I can see if we 
Exhaust the Land Treasury, the Army may starve before Supplies 
come, and if the Money be above our Sum its considerable,* and 
our Commissioners at Barbadoes went beyond their Commissions 
and Instructions to Charge Money on us who are so low. And 
if you please to draw an order to satisfie them in England I do 
hereby engage to join with you in it. For Hides we have few, 
except such as are Sold or wet, and they refuse to take them at 
the same rates as other Merchants give. The reason I sign'd not 
the Bills of Sale of Prize Ships was this : I know your order is 
suflScient without my hand, and I must sign with an implicite 
faith, not knowing neither their worth, nor Appraisement, and 
ignorant of all the rates prescribed in the particular, and some of 
those I desir'd might not be Sold, but left to carry on the Service. 
Sir, If you would be pleased to send any to receive the Cattle, you 
should be fitted hence, or if the Ropes sent hence to lead such we 
did send were retum'd, we should serve you to our power, but 
neither being done, tho' both desir'd, we are incapacitated to 
do it. The abuse offer'd your Men I gave order to have it 
Examined, and being found, punished. I desire your help in it. 
Sir, my strength is spent, yet one word I cannot omit. I have a 
little more of a Gentleman in me than to break any promise or 
engagement of Peace and love, having never been of a Contentious 
Spirit, and will be found as true of my word as any peraon in the 
World shall be unto him who is 

Sir, Your Real Friend and Servant 

June 21st, 1655. ROBERT VeNABLES.' 

' • Inconsiderable,* Lee-To^vTishend MS. ^^ j 

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Since the Closing of my Letter there Came a Seaman, who, as 
Capt. Bingham and others aver, said that he was sent to overtake 
the Paqnet to which this is an answer, and that it was a false and 
mistaken thing ; which expression questioning him about, he Con- 
fesseth he was sent to stay it, and doth not much deny that other, 
which had rais'd some thought in my mind, not being able to 
conceive the reason.' 

But notwithstanding all my refusals to join in the Sale of 
Ships or discharging of Debts with the Land Mens money only,* 
when there were Prizes suflScient to defray all, Yet he and Capt* 
Butler sold some Vessels that were very good Sailers, good Vessels 
and very fit for the Service of those parts, and some of them to 
OflScers in the Fleet, who laded them and sent them to Virginia,^ 
whither himself also fraught the Katherine (which by his Highness 
order with all her Ordnance, Sails, and tackling, was given him, 
being a Vessel of about Five Hundred Tuns and thirty Pieces of 
Ordnance).* And here I should question whether the freights of 
these Ships was had, for betwixt England and Barbadoes we touch'd 
at no place (and tho' I enquir'd diligently) I could never learn that 
he nor his OflScers that freighted those Ships bought one Tun of 
Sugar at Barbadoes, or any other Commodities at Hispaniola, not 
a Hide. And at Jamaica all the Hides we could get were Sold to 
buy Sack and Brandy for the Army. So that I am at a stand to 
find out where they could possibly be got, and therefore leave every 
one to their own Conjecture. 

But before the Fleet departed for England I urg'd for Brandy ; 
it was answered there was none for us. I was told in England there 
was above a hundred, I think Two hundred Tuns of Brandy aboard 
the Fleet for Sea and Land Men ; we took, as I was assur'd from 
General Penn and his Cousin Pool, above thirty Tuns more at 

> Ck>mpaie Portland MS8, ii. 96. 

' Three ships were also despatched to New England for provisions, ib. ii. 94. 

» Memorials of Sir W. Penn, ii. SO. 

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Barbadoes, but I do not know that the Army ever had Ten Tuns 
whilst I was in the Indies. 

Whilst the Commissioners and my self were transacting these 
matters, some in the Army were not Idle, taking advantage 
of my distemper which encreased daily, so that Coll. Buller call'd 
a Council of Warr of his own Officers to debate what was fit for 
the Army to do, and no body (lest they should add to my 
distemper) would tell me of these disorders, which were not at the 
first incurable. But Capt. Butler, a Commissioner, falling in with 
them upon this account, Mr. Winslow informed General Penn and 
me how he was got drunk at Barbadoes, and ran shouting thro' 
the Town. Whereupon we sent him with some other Officers 
as Commissioner to St. Christophers to dispatch business there, 
lest his stay at Barbadoes should disgrace us ; but there in a 
Treaty with the French he was so overcome with drink that he fell 
from his horse and Vomited, before the French and most of the 
English Gentlemen, that the French jeer'd at his Highness Com- 
missioners.* These things he practising at Jamaica and neglecting 
his Highness' affairs, I told him of it, and desir'd him to reform ; 
but he being disgusted hereat associated himself with all discon- 
tented Persons, and made it his Business to rail upon and revile 
me, as Mr. Wentworths Letter which followeth will testifie — 

' May it please your honour. 

Yours of the Sixteenth Instant I have received, and after inter- 
locution with Lieutenant Newton was well informed of the sudden 
departure of this Conveniency, which out of a tender respect I have 
to the Vindication of your honour, and that duty which I owe to 
Christian profession, I desire to make use of it. These therefore 
may inform all whom it may concern, that on Thursday before we 
Came with the Marston Moore from Jamaica, I went on shore with 

' For Butler^s own account of his proceedings at St. Christophers, see Thurloe 
iii. 754. Fortescue terms him * the unfittest man for a commissioner I ever 
knew employed.' lb, iii. 650. 

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Capt. Butler, who was Commissioner for the Fleet, and saw such 
miscarriages by him as I never saw before, and which were not 
befitting a Gentleman, which I suppose was thro' excess of drink, 
and that several of his near retinue were extreamly discontented 
with the aforesaidj^nd that he with them were mutually fomenting 
expressions of discontent. I wish my Person or Testimony may 
in point of equity serve you : in the mean while these Lines are 
attested by 

Sir, Your Honours humble Servant 

John Wentworth/ 

Portsmo. Oct: 20th 1655. 

This carriage of his towards me gave such incouragement to 
some OflScers, such as knew themselves so guilty of misdemeanors 
that if I liv'd they must think to suffer, that finding it the only 
way to their own security to lay all upon me^ who was not 
likely to live to excuse my self to have proceeded on for the time 
to come. Coll. Buller, beiog the principal leading Man, and all his 
Officers with him came to desire me to take notice of a Vote of a 
Council of War, when I being gone to the Fleet to the Com- 
missioners, who would not come to me (Capt. Butler residing 
there Constantly, as though all his business and Employment had 
been only for the Navy and not for the Army). I told you before 
how I had ordered the Officers to sit Constantly to order the 
quartering of the Army, and to put them into Plantations, whilst 
I went to the Fleet. But Buller in my absence forced the 
Commissioners to fall about what he and his Officers had before 
Consulted about. 

So that at my return nothing was done. But Buller came 
to desire me to call a Councill to consult about sending into 
England now the Fleet was ready to depart. I replyd, I had Writ 
already and represented our Condition. He desir'd me however 
to Consult the Officers ; he had prepared all to his own mind, and 
I knew nothing of all this. Some of his Associates seconded him ; 

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I Consented, and when they were met, I, not being able to stay 
with them, told them I must leave the Matter and them together, 
being not able to stay. I being gone Buller propounded that an 
Agent might be sent to England, for tho' I had writ, yet Letters 
were but dead things without one to Solicite, hoping he had 
provided himself should be the Man. One of the Officers said 
a person without Interest and unacquainted with the passages of 
Affairs was as dead as Letters,^ and that none was so interessed in the 
Affairs of the Army as the General (who was disabled by sickness), 
and was a person of more Interest at Court than any man they could 
send. Replies past and in the Conclusion they pass*d the following 
Votes, which they presented to me for my Assent. 

'At a Council of War held at St. lago De La Vega, the 
7th June 1655.^ 


Major Gen*. Fortescue, 

Coll. Buller, Coll. Carter, 

Coll. Doyly, Coll. Holdipe, 

Quarter Master Gen^ Rudyard, 

Adjutant General Birkenhead, 

Lieutenant Coll. Barry, 

Major Smith. 

Resolved, — That whosoever goes for England to represent the 
Condition of the Army, and shall [not] return again within a twelve 
month after his departure, shall be uncapable of Receiving benefit 
by any Plantation being his proportion as a Member of the Army. 

Resolv'd, That we are willing, that if the General please to 
take the trouble upon him of going into England to represent the 
Condition of the Army and this Island, to procure such relief and 
Supplies as shall be needful for the carrying on the design, That 
he dispose himself for the Voyage as soon as he shall think 

* * as a dead letter,* Povey. ^ Printed in Thurloe's State Papers, iii. 628. 

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Resolv'd, That some one Officer of the Army be desir'd to go 
to attend the General into England, and that the O^cer agreed 
upon be Coll. Buller. 

We whose names are underwritten, being Field Officers of the 
Army (tho' not present at the Council of War before mentioned) 
do freely consent to, and approve of the Votes and resolutions of 
the said Council, as they are before Expressed. 

Phil Ward. Henry Bartlett. Wm. Smith. 
JIiCHAEL Bland. Willm. Jordan.' 

^Jamaica ISihJuly 1655. — Several Considerations to be humbly 
represented to his Highness the Lord Protector and Council in 
behalf of the Army in America.* 

As we do with all thankfulness acknowledge his Highness 
care in ordering Considerable Supplies and Accommodations for the 
Army, tho' it pleas'd God thro' his providence to retard them, So 
for the future it is humbly desir'd and hop'd, that his Highness 
will be pleased from time to time to order, upon the terms formerly 
agreed on, Accommodations for Cloathing for Officers and Soldiers, 
and all manner of working Tools and Instruments better than 
those now received, for the Wood generally is so hard and Tools ^ 
edges so bad as they are scarce serviceable ; as also Bread, Oatmeal, 
Brandy &c. Arms, Ammunition, Plank,' & Medicines &c. 

That servants from Scotland or elsewhere may be sent to assist 
in Planting, for which the Officers out of their Pay will make such 
allowance as his Highness shall think Ht, and Assign them such 
proportions of Land as his Highness shall direct, at the Expiration 
of their respective Terms. By this means we shall be able to make 
provisions for such as are already here, and such as shall be sent 
hither by his Highness for further service, and they will be in 

' Printed in Thorloe's State Papers^ iii. 661. 
» • Edge tools/ Thurloe. » * Physick,' Thurloe. 

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readiness for such other employments as his Highness shall 

That the Allotment and distribution of Land to the respective 
Regiments of the Army already approv'd of by his Highness 
Commissioners may be ratified by his Highness sanction. The 
allotment made to the Christophers Regiment (which is to be 
reduc'd) excepted. 

That such incouragement as his Highness shall think fit, may 
be given and granted to such as shall desire to come from 
England, or any other English Colonies. 

That in regard it may happen, as by Experience it hath done, 
that the Supplies order'd and intended by his Highness may not 
seasonably arrive, by I'eason of Contrary Winds, by reason whereof 
the Army may be distressed and reduc'd to exigencies, That his 
Highness will be pleas'd to enable the Army to take up necessary 
Provisions for our Accommodation of such Merchant Ship or Ships 
as shall come into the Harbours of this Island, and to draw Bills of 
Payment on such Treasury in England as his Highness shall think 
fit, the same not exceeding Ten Thousand Pounds. 

That for the better ordering and regulating this common- 
wealth, and Encouragement of such as desire to live under a Civil 
and setled Government, his Highness will be pleased to send such 
Constitutions and Laws as his Highness shall think fit for the 
Government of this place, or impower such in the place as his 
Highness shall approve of to make and Constitute from time to 
time such wholesome and necessary Laws, as shall be most fit for 
the ordering and Government of things here ; and to erect a Court 
and Courts of justice and Equity for deciding Controversies 
between Party and Party, and power granted to allow such Officers 
AS shall be employed such Sallary as shall be judged needful. 

That in regard much inconvenience hath been found by the 
distinct and Independant Command of the Army and fleet, his 
Highness would be pleased to order that both may be under one 
Coramand, and that power may be given to erect Courts of 

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Admiralty, and Grant Commissions to private Men of War to 
annoy and infest the Enemies of our Nation. 

That his Highness would please to allow that such Merchant or 
Merchants, as shall be willing to advance the Service and Planta- 
tion of this Island, may have all due encouragement ; and that such 
Person or Persons as his Highness shall please to authorize and 
Appoint here, may be enabled to treat or Contract with him or them 

That forasmuch as the Officers have found by sad Experience, 
that the Generality of the Private Soldiers of this Army are Men 
of low Spirits, apt to receive impressions of fear, and basely to 
desert their Officers and Service, his Highness be humbly desir'd for 
the more effectual carrying on the War in these parts, to order a 
Considerable supply of well disciplined, approved, and Experienc'd 
Soldiers, such as have been accustom'd to hardship in Ireland or 
elsewhere, Well accommodated with Provisions, Leather Bottles, 
Tents &c. 

Richard Holdipe. John Read. William Jordan. Edward 
Doyly. Henry Archbold. Henry Bartlett. Robert Smith. 
Philip Ward. Michael Bland. William Smith. Richard 
Fortescue. Samuel Barry. Andrew Carter. Vincent Corbett. 
Francis Barrington.' 

These proceeding proposals were also given me from the Army 
to present to his Highness in order to the better setling of Affairs, 
and preventing for the future what had fonnerly been the 
prejudice of the Army. Both these were delivered to me to 
present to his Highness in England, but I made not any haste to 
go, intending to settle things fully there, but my flux encreasing so 
exceedingly that about three Weeks after I sent to General Penn 
and Capt. Butler to let them know I now despair'd of Life, desiring 
them to come that we might break open his Highness last and 
Close Commission, which was thus Indors'd, * Not to be open*d but 
in Case of the death, disability, or absence of one, or both the 


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Generals/ (I had for about a fortnight before left the Command of 
the Army to Major General Fortescue and was now Confin'd to my 
bed.) They delay'd two days, though I sent several Messengers. 
At last I caus'd it to be open'd before the Officers, and according 
to its Contents nominated Major General Fortescue, and resigned 
my Command to him, signed his Commission, and General Penn 
joyn'd in it.* Capt Butler came into my Chamber just as I had 
resign'd my Command, and Spake to the Officers to acknowledge 
Major General as their Commander in Chief. Butler finding 
Symptoms of Death upon me, he and BuUer smil'd upon each other 
(which I observ'd with some trouble of mind,) but he ^ refus'd to joyn 
with me to appoint a General in my place, according as the Commis- 
sion required. The Words of the Commission ran thus. ' We do 
impower you (naming the Commissioners), or any two, or one of 
you, the rest being Dead or absent, that in Case General Venables 
die, be disabled, or absent, that then you, or any two or more of 
you as aforesaid, do Choose and appoint some other Person whom 
you judge most fit to succeed in his place to carry on the Service 
there &c.' ^ Vice Admiral Goodson was appointed by the Commis- 
sion in General Penn's place upon the same grounds and Occasion. 
Within two days after I fell into a Calenture, and now I cannot 
relate any thing to my own knowledge, but I find by Circumstances, 
as well as others relation, that I continued in this distraction about 
one Month, and was then in that condition carried on board, the 
Physicians advising it, in regard that no means they could use 
did prove effectual to help me, and my flux having stopt at Sea 
whilst we came between Hispaniola and Jamaica, theyhop'd it might 
stay again ; however it was but an adventure, no hurt could follow 

' On the opening of this Commission see Thurloe, iii. 674-5. It was opened by 
Mr. Long, Secretary to the CJommissioners. 

'^ I.e, Butler. 

^ Both the commissions to Fortescue and Goodson, dated one June 24, the 
second June 25, are printed in Thurloe, iii. 581- 2. 

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to try, for at Land I could not live,* and at Sea perhaps I might 
recover, and if not, it was not material whether Worms or Fish 
eat that poor and almost consumed remainder of me. Upon this, 
I was carried on board, July 1655, and there kept nine or ten days, 
expecting I would certainly die, at last we put to Sea, where others 
that went pretty well on board died within a few days, And I the 
first night slept soundly, neither the jactation of the Sea, nor the 
Noise of the Men disturbed me, So that within a Week I recovered 
my Senses again.^ 

But before I take leave of Jamaica I cannot but with trouble 
of Spirit remember the sad Condition of the Army, being infected 
with diseases, swept away by Forty, Fifty, Sixty, Yea, some Weeks 
a hundred, by fevers, fluxes caus'd by their want of Food or 
unwholsome diet, necessity causing them rather to choose un- 
sound or unhealthful food than none at all, the Seamen not 
delivering bread and brandy, the chief preservers against fluxes 
in these parts, delaying our Supplies tho' daily urg'd by us, 
sometimes pretending one thing then another; tho' this was 
spoken of before, yet being now more than ever neglected, I 
cannot but speak of it again, and desire the Reader to look back 
into Capt. Howes and M"" Daniels Letters writ from hence, and 
upon the occasion of the Army necessities. M*" Daniel being our 
Commissary received the Provisions from the Seamen, and therefore 
best able to speak of their demeanors; and what he writ he 
complain'd of to me before their faces, justifying the baseness and 
rottenness of the bisket, and their denying to weigh it, but 
requiring acquittances from him and Captain Bamford for what 
quantity they pleas'd to name, or else refusing to deliver any 
at all. 

The Officers and Soldiers press'd to have their trunks on shore, 
but were not permitted to go on board for them, and some of 

* Compare Whistler's Journal, under June 21. The fleet sailed June 25. 
Memorials of Sir William Penn, ii. 126. 

^ See the two Letters of Venables in Thurloe, iv. 22, 23. 

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them Complain'd that the Seamen had carried their necessaries 
back into England when they returned with General Penn ; 
wherefore Major Gen* Fortescue writ to me several times when I 
had occasion to go to the Commissioners about business, they 
keeping on board and refusing to come to me to dispatch business ; 
80 that how weak so ever or unfit for business or travel I were, 
yet I must go to them (that were in health), or all must sink or 
swim for any Care that they took. 
His letters follow — 

* May it please your Excellency, 

The Army are in great want of Provisions, as also of Match 
and Gun Powder, and that if you please to order a sudden March 
its necessary the Soldiers be supply'd with Bisket, at least such of 
them as shall be drawn forth for any Service. I desire your 
Excellency will please to inform General Penn of the general 
Complaint of OflScers and Soldiers of the Seamens refusal to 
carry them on board to fetch their Goods. If he would please to 
appoint any certain day when Officers and Soldiers should come to 
receive their Goods, and that Boats may attend that business, 
and so make but one trouble of it. We want our Hoes and 
Mattocks &c. 

Your most humble Servant 

Richard Fortescue.' 

May 29th 1655. 

'According to your order I sent Four Hundred Men Commanded 
by Major Bamford with Sixty Horse to fetch up the Provisions 
and Ammunition, which General Penn promised should be Landed 
early this morning, whereby we might have been enabled to 
march according to your order towards the Enemy, who still 
remain refractory, as appears by the enclos'd. But Contrary to 
expectation one of my Officers return'd and came fh)m the Sea side, 
and assures me there was no Provisions landed when he came away. 
Sir, The Soldiers have not had any Provisions almost forty-eight 

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hours but one bisket a Man since they came hither, by reason 
whereof they grow very weak and are much enfeebled. I have 
enquired concerning the ways and passages leading to the place 
where the Enemy are encamped, which is from hence eight 
Leagues, and I am assured that there is but one way, and none 
other nigh it ; much of it is throngh Savannas, part through 
a Mountain, Water some part at the end of two Leagues, some 
part half a league. 

According to the enclosed relation etc.' 
May 1655. 

* Upon receipt of your letter I summoned the Field OflScers and 
with their advice drew out two Parties, one of a Thousand Four 
hundred to march by Land, and another of Six hundred to be trans- 
ported by Sea, and have appointed Officers to Command them ; but 
when I sent Commissary Daniel to take an Account of the Pro- 
visions sent last night' by the Party, being thirty bags of Cassavy, 
he Certifieth under his hand, and will aver before you, that the 
whole weight is not two thousand Pounds, as appeareth by the 
enclosed particular, which is judg'd too small a proportion, not only 
for the Army, but the Party Commanded out. I have therefore sent 
M"" Daniel with the advice of the Officers to inform you of our 
Condition, and that we conceive there was a great mistake in those 
that sent the Provisions on shore, who alledged there was Six 
Thousand weight, and demanded a Receipt accordingly, but Major 
Bamford refus'd to give them a Receipt for so much weight, because 
all the Baggs were broken, and much of the Bread embezled. The 
truth is the Army generally are in a very weak condition for want 
of provisions. The Party I sent down yesterday to the Sea side 
could have brought treble the quantity that was sent. If we might 
know how much should be landed, we would send parties accord- 
ingly. I do with the Officers advice represent the Armys condition 
to you. We want medicines for the Chyrugeons.' 

May 1655. 

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Here followeth the Testimony of Lieu* Coll. Ward. He aflSrms 
that being on board the Matthias on Saturday the Eighth of June 
1655, enquiring of Capt. Kirby, Commander of the said Vessel, con- 
cerning some Copper belonging to the A.rmy in the said Vessel, 
the said Capt. Kirby said that he Received a Check of General Penn 
for revealing what Stores he had in his Ship, with this saying, You 
can have no Stores on board you, but you must be babling. 

Phill. Ward. 

Memorandum There was in the Ships Cabin when this was 
spoken Capt. Pegg, Lieutenant Coll. Bushel sick in bed, Mr. 
Garvenor, and Commissary Pain. 

So that all may see how the premisses of Gen* Desbrow were 
made good to us, who assur'd us that what was on board should be 
for the Land Men as well as the Seamen, and also what Civilities 
we might expect from the Seamen to afford us relief out of their 
own Stores, who conceal'd and with held our own from us. 

Their wants and sufferings I suppose were the Cause which 
mov'd the OflScers to desire my return for England to represent 
them to his Highness, but I was never permitted to speak ; only 
M** Secretary Thurloe writ to me (when in the Tower) to send to him 
the OflBcers humble Considerations, which were directed to his 
Highness, which I did but never heard more.^ 

And now being on board I shall take leave of Jamaica., set sail 
for England to discharge my trust to the state and Army, in 
representing the Condition of those parts, and what might most 
advance the Service, and which way was most probable the design 
to be carried on, which I did in the Tower. I had a most com- 
fortable and sweet passage homeward, and when I came North- 
ward gather'd strength exceedingly (my weakness considered). 
We landed safely at Plymouth, September the tenth 1655, having 
not felt one Storm, but that was to follow at Land. So soon as I 
came to Portsmouth I writ to his Highness as followeth ^ — 
' But see Cal, S. P. Dam. 1665, p. 365. « Thurloe, iv. 21. 

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*• May it please yoar Highness 

I doubt not but General Penn hath inform'd your Highness of 
the weak Condition he left me in, out of which all that saw me 
judg'd it was impossible for me ever to recover. Even the 
Physicians despair'd, except Change of Air did [help me], tho* it 
was doubted I could not live to be put on board ; yet being death 
was certain if I stay'd, it was resolv'd to adventure me, in regard 
I could but die. 

The extream wants of your forces in the Indies were also 
recommended to me to represent (by the OflScers) to your 
Highness ; but being my great weakness disabled me to travel by 
Land, I am at present incapacitated to discharge that trust, unless 
it shall please the Lord to give more strength, or bring me about 
by Sea. And in the interim that your Highness may be blessed 
with prosperous success in all your pious [and honourable] designs, 
and be Temporally and eternally happy, is and shall be the Prayer 

Your Highness most humble and faithful Servant 

R. Venables.' 
[Aboard the Marston Moore in Portsmoath 
roade, Sept. the 9th, 1655.] 

To Mr, Secreta/ry Thurloe 
* Honored Sir, 

I do perswade myself that you have had a report by General 
Penns Fleet of my death, which was most probable, my returning 
being despair'd of by all men, even the Physicians, and Change of 
Air as the last of remedies (all others failing), tho' it was thought 
per most I should never see the Sea ; Yet being I could but die, 
it was resolv'd to adventure me, tho' I was a meer Skelleton, and 
had by times been in a raving condition about three Weeks, and 
Continued so about a Week after I came on Ship board, and yet 
Continue but Skin and bones, and so weak that T cannot ride or 

' Thurloe, iv. 22. 

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scarce sit, except very easy ; and therefore not able to travel by 
Land, but must Come about up Thames, though my heart longs 
to inform his Highness of the State of his Affairs in the West 
Indies ; and indeed haste is exta'eamly necessary. If the Lord 
bring me alive to London, I shall fiilly inform you of all, which I 
dare not Commit to paper, being Constrained to make use of 
another's hand ; for which your pardon is earnestly desir'd by 

Your very humble Servant, 

Robert Venables/ ^ 

[Aboard the Marston Moore near St. Ellens 
point, this 9th of Sept. 1655.] 

To tlie Lord Lambert 
* My Lord, 

My death being reported by most, and the impossibility of my 
recovery believed by all General Penns Fleet, I perswade myself 
hath by them come to your ears, so that you would rather suppose 
the certain news of my death had now been brought you, than 
that I am in the Land of the living and so near you. And indeed 
all men, yea the very Physicians despair'd of my Life, the Air being 
so much my Enemy ; and therefore it was resolv'd I should go to 
Sea, tho' most (and those not the least judicious) thought I should 
never come on board alive, yet being I could but die, it was re- 
solved to adventure me, tho' I was but a meer Skelleton, and had 
per times been in a raving Condition about three Weeks, and Con- 
tinued so a Week after I came on Ship board, and yet Continue but 
Skin and bone, so weak that I cannot ride or scarce sit, except very 
easy, and therefore not able to travel by Land to London, but must 
come about up Thames, though my heart longs to inform his Highness 
of the State of his Affairs in the West, but indeed haste is extreamly 
necessary. If the Lord bring me alive to London, I shall fully inform 

^ A postscript is added in the version in Thurloe, iii. 22 : 'If the Lord grant 
me the mercy to see your face, I shall acquaint you with all the extreme wants 
and diffioultyes I have struggled with, as alsoe such mutinous and discontented 
spiritts as have acted to the great prejudice of his Highness, and if not redressed 
will (hazard at least) mine the whole aime'and designe.' 

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you of all which I dare not commit to paper, being constrained to 
make use of anothers hand, for which your pardon is earnestly 
desir'd by, 

My Lord, Your Lordships most humble Servant 

R. Venables.' 

The like was writ to Coll. Sidenham and General Desbrow." But 
tho' I pressed earnestly to come to London by Sea, yet was denied, 
being so weak that I had like to have died on board before I came 
to Land ; however being Commanded to come away, I got a Coach, 
and one to support me in it, and so came to London, and the same 
day went to Secretary Thurloe to acquaint him that I desir'd to 
wait on his Highness; he appointed me to attend the next 
morning to that end ; which I did,^ and was at last call'd in 
before his Highness and the Councill, who demanded of me 
who sent for me ? T answered, the Army had desir'd me to come 
to represent to his Highness the state of his affairs there, and 
their extream wants. He then demanded of me, if I had ever read 
of any General that had left his Army, and not Commanded back ? 
I reply'd, I supposed History would clear it, tho* my memory 
discomposed by sickness could not at present call it to mind, and at 
last named the Earl of Essex. He reply'd, a sad example, and 
ask'd me if I had anything else to say in my defence ? I reply'd, 
I did not expect to be call'd to an Account for this thing, and was 
not prepai^ed to answer ; and humbly Crav'd respite for a few days 
that I might peruse my Papers, and Consider the thing fiilly, and 
I would then give him a full Answer. He denied me that most 
just liberty, which a Heathen denied not to Paul, to have time and 
place to defend himself. I humbly beg'd it again, and was denied, 
and this added, that I must then speak, or what I had spoke 
would be looked upon as all I could say. I then reply'd, I had 
the Army's Vote, which I then produc'd, and desir'd it might be 

* A letter to Penn of the same date is printed in Portland MSS. ii. 97. 
« Sept 20, 1655. CaL SJ*, Dom. 1656, p. 343. 

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read, but was denied, and I was told Coll. BuUer was the Armys 
Agent. I reply'd, I humbly Conceiv'd my self was the Man, and he 
only my assistant ; and again press'd to have the Votes read to 
justifie my allegation, but was denied, and urg*d for my further 
Answer. I said I was wasted with sickness, so that I was 
incapacitated to counsel my self, much less able to Command or 
direct the Army ; and that I stay'd above a month after those 
Votes before I came away, to see if I should recover so as to be 
able to discharge the duty of my place, but grew daily worse till I 
was at last deprived of senses, and knew not what I did or spoke, and 
in that Condition (by the Physicians advice) I was carried on Ship 
board to try if the sea would (as it had formerly) stop my Flux, for 
if I stay'd at Land I was a dead Man and it was but the trial of one 
Experiment, Whether the Pish or Worms must eat me. Besides, 
I added, his Highness Commission, which was endorsed thus : * not to 
be open'd except in case of the Death, disability, or absence, of one or 
both the Generals', the which words also running thro' the body 
of the Commission in such causes to impower the Commissioners to 
choose a new General, which Commission was executed accordingly, 
and Major General Fortescue chose into my place a Month or near 
thereabouts before I came away, and Executed the same 
accordingly. I added I had much more to say, but except I had 
time (which I again earnestly beg'd, but was denied) I could not at 
present add any more ; however I craved my weakness of memory 
might not be made my crime. 

I was commanded forth, and presently Mr. Scobell sent to me 
for the Officers Votes, which I desir'd him to give me a Copy of, 
but he did not, but I had a Copy before. I waited ; at last the 
Council rose. I met with Coll. Sidenham, who told me he was 
sorry for me, and that the hand of God should be the cause of my 
suflFering, for he said my sentence was severe. I spoke also to the 
Lord President Laurence to know his Command, not being in a 
Capacity to attend ; he told me the Clerk would acquaint me with 

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their order, and that I must stay, which I did ; and the Serjeant at 
last came to me and acquainted me with the Councils order, with a 
very Civil Apology for his Actiug. I mov'd that he would give me 
leave (being fasting and very weak) to go home, or at least to some 
cooks-shop for some refreshment, and time to send for some 
necessaries to carry with me to the Tower. All which with much 
compassion and respect he granted, so that I retum'd home with 
his Servant, assuring him that if he would trust me I would that 
night present myself with the Councils Warrant to the Lieutenant 
of the Tower; for I was not able to go, much less fly, and that I 
was not conscious to my self of any guilt, and scorned to bring 
my Innocencie and former Service so much [into question] as to 
blemish my self with a thought to escape or fly. When I came 
home some Friends came to visit me, who ofier'd their services to 
Assist me in any thing they could. Whereupon I writ to the 
Lord President Laurence, and drew up a Petition which my Wife 
and friends presented, both which follow — 

* My Lord, 

After your Lordship was pleas'd to tell me that the Clerk of 
the Council would acquaint me with your resolves, I found Mr. 
Serjeant Dendy to be the Man that brought it, and a very sad one, 
which afflicts me more than (I perswade myself) the news of 
Death, being that my most dear reputation, Purchas'd with the 
Loss of my Blood and Limbs, and thirteen Years faithful and not 
unsuccessful Service, and all call'd into question by this blow. I 
perceive my Plea of his Highness additional Instructions for the 
Choosing a Commander in Chief, (in Case of the death ^ disability, or 
absence, of either of those then in Commission,) is wholly wav'd, it 
presupposing all these, which must needs induce me believe my 
Coming away was no such Capital Oflence. 

Your Lordships Piety and Confidence of your favour herein 
hath emboldened me to move your Lordship to present the Enclosed 

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Petition to his Highness, if your Lordship judge it meet, which is 
submitted to your Lordships pleasure by 

My Lord your most humble and aflBicted Servant, 

R. Venables.' 
The 3 Queens in 
James Street, 7br. 20th, 1655. 

To his Highiess the Lord Protector of England Scotland 

mid Ireland, September 20th, 1655 
' Sheweth, 

That upon signification of your Highness displeasure in his 
Commitment to the Tower, he humbly by Petition made his 
Address to your Highness that a Confinement to his Chamber 
might at present be only inflicted, in regard of his great weakness, 
and many pressing Occasions ; but that (as he humbly Conceives) 
not Coming in season to your Highness, he again humbly im- 
ploreth your Highness favourable Consideration of his affiicted 
Condition, and his great weakness yet Continuing ; and since 
that time some further fear of its encrease arising, he is necessi- 
tated most humbly to implore your Highness so far to Commiserate 
his sad Condition, as to grant him so much enlargement as may 
afibrd the benefit of air and Physick for his recovery ; and that he 
also may have opportunity to represent to your Highness the 
Series of his management of that trust your Highness did Commit 
to him. Wherein if he be not able to evidence he hath been 
faithful, tho' Providence denied Success, he shall (with much more 
quietness of heart) undergo any further mark of your Highness 
displeasure. And your Highness favour herein shall engage your 
Petitioner ever to Pray. 

R. Venables.' 

I desir'd that I might be only Confin'd to my Chamber, in 
regard of my extream weakness, that so I might use the help of 
Physick for my recovery, and ofier'd Ten Thousand Pounds Bond, 
and Persons to be Security with me, who would also be bound 

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body for body, that they would (if I recovered) bring me in to 
answer any Charge that should be brought against me when ever 
call'd to; but all was refus'd, so that I was that night, being 
the [20th] of September 1655, Carried to the Tower and deliver'd 
Prisoner to the Lieutenant of the Tower, Coll. Barkstead, since 
knighted by his Highness, and the Warrant for my Commitment 
which here foUoweth — 

' Oliver P^. 

Whereas General Robert Venables, being General of the English 
forces sent into America, hath without Licence deserted the Army 
Committed to his Charge, contrary to his Trust, These are there- 
fore to will and require you to receive and take into your Custody 
in our Tower of London the body of the said General Robert 
Venables, herewith sent unto you, and him to keep in safe Custody 
until you shall receive order from us to the Contrary ; hereof you 
are not to fail as you will answer the Contrary, and this shall be 
your Warrant in that behalf. Given at Whitehall this Twentieth of 
September 1655. 

To John Barkstead Esq. 

Lieutenant of oar Tower of London.' 

I had not Continued many days in the Tower but several 
Friends came to Visit me ; some perswading me to submit myself 
to his Highness, for if I came to a trial I would be Sentenc'd, but 
I still desir'd a hearing ; some others told me, that some Godly 
Men were told that it would not be well taken if they went to 
Visit me, for that the visits of Godly Men did make me Stubborn, 
and kept me from Submission, and thus it was sought to set Godly 
Men against me as my Enemies, and to deprive me of the Comfort 
of their Company, Counsel, and Prayers. My friends were not 
Idle, but mov'd for enlargement for Air in order to Physick and 
Health ; and at last the Lady Melton (to whom General Lambert 
was ever respective) had this return from him, that she must per- 
swade me to submit, and I should be enlarged. She sent me word 

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of it, as also of her answer, which was, That so the next day I must 
be cried about the Streets. If they had any fault to charge me 
with she desir'd them to proceed against me, or to set me at 
liberty if Innocent. Presently after the Lord Fleetwood, Lord 
Deputy of Ireland, was pleas'd to honour me with his Person ; to 
whom after other discourse, I said I look'd upon my self as a 
Prisoner for form only, and not for Offence, it being fit that a 
private person should rather bear the blemish of any miscarriage 
than the Publick ; and that I was content so to do, but desir'd 
him not to let me be too much a sufferer, for before I would die 
like a Dog I would speak like a Man. He desir'd me to give him 
an Account of the State of those parts for his own private satisfac- 
tion, and that he would not impart them to any other, which I 
did. He promised me to his utmost friendship, which did much 
satisfie me that there was not anything of concernment or moment 
Charged against me, otherways I supposed he would not have made 
me so large a Promise. 

About the tenth of October, 1655, Mr. Eaton, Pastor of the 
Church of Stockport,^ came to see me, and within a few days brought 
me a message from my Lord Fleetwood, which was that he desir'd 
me to send him Answers to Six Queries for his own private satis- 
faction. The several Queries with my Answers here follow. 

* My Lord 

Mr. Eaton toQd] me you desir'd satisfaction to some particulars ; 
he mention'd them, to which I beseech you receive the Answers. 

1'* Was a Contention betwixt General Penn and me about place ? 

Truly I know not that ever we strove save to give precedency 
each to other, tho' usually he had it at Sea, and I at Land ; only Mr. 
Winslow told me at Barbadoes, that General Penn, having seen 
the Commission and Instructions at Portsmouth (which I did not), 
he excepted against my being named first, upon which (all being 

I Samael Eaton, d. 1665. A life of Eaton is given in the Dictionary of 
National Biography. 

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still unknown to me) he was named first in the Instructions, and I 
in the Commission, which the rayzures (as Mr. Winslow bad me 
observe) caus'd me to believe. 

2**^^ That I took too much State upon me at Barbadoes. 

My Lord, I confess that I remember not anything of that 
Nature, neither doth my heart accuse me of any Act, (I confesse 
the Sin in my heart is a burthen if something else restrained 
not) but conceive the ground of this report, (and have heard it) 
arises from the Governor of Barbadoes his Marshall going before him 
and me bare headed to Church ; which I could not avoid, lodging at 
his House, and it hath been and yet is the practice of that Island, 
that whether the Governor goeth or rideth his Marshall goeth with 
him and bare headed. And I think twice my Marshall without 
order from me went in that Posture before us to Church, but if any 
can prove that my Marshall did ever ride or go with me at all, 
much less bare headed as the others did, I confess the fault. 

S'^ That factions in the Army were occasioned by the Conduct. 

I answer that before I went I confessed my unfitness for such a 
Command, and do believe that true, yet I can prove that fell out 
thus. That Major General Heynes expected the Command in 
Chief, and went out of England in that Confidence that I would 
not come, and before we left Barbadoes I had many strong pre- 
sumptions that he hop'd to gain the same. 

4*** As for our long stay at Barbadoes. 

I answer that a person of Honour Charg'd it as a fault upon me 
that I left that place before our stores came ; and indeed my Lord 
all the OflScers grug'd at it, neither did we stay longer than to 
provide necessaries for the Fleet and Army, which were exceedingly 
retarded by some of the Inhabitants. 

5*^ Landing too much to the Leeward. 

My Lord, my self and Officers did Vote for the River Hine, 
except beaten off, and General Penns Instructions were that he 
should transport us from place to place as the Service did require, 
and the Guide did bring us Westward of the River. I am no Sea- 
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man and profess'd my trouble at the thing, as I can prove, neither 
knew I any port or part of that Coast. When I went to General 
Penn I knew nothing but that our Guide (as he told me) was 
aboard the Vice Admiral to bring us to the River, till I was told 
we were past it. 

6*'^ Marching about when Major General Hejmes advised a 
nearer way. 

My Lord, we had not one man amongst us that knew one foot 
of the way from oar Landing place to the River Hine, and there^ 
fore no man can say we went out of our way there ; and when we 
came to the River there was a foord which we searched for, but 
ound none. Coll. Buller (who was ordered by General Penn to 
stay at the foord for us) march'd against order away, and carried 
the Guide with him, which put us Ten or twelve miles out of the way 
about. But Major General Heynes and Capt. Butler were earnest, 
notwithstanding our men were long fasting, to march to seek 
Buller, lest he might be cut off, which we did and no man knows 
but we went the nearest way, and I believe there was no other. 
My Lord, 

I have briefly given your Excellency an account, according as 
the shortness of the time did suggest things to my thoughts, but I 
have some thing to add when I have with more deliberation con- 
sidered the particulars, and therefore humbly desire that this may 
not be taken as the utmost can be pleaded by. My Lord 

Your Excellencys very humble and Obliged Servant 

R. Venables.* 
Tower, Oct. 26, 1656. 

I could have spoken more fully and more particularly all 
particulars, but I conceived this general Answer most rational, and 
therefore reserved for a trial, if call'd to it. After this M*" Eaton 
came to me again, and desir'd me to draw a petition and he would 
present it to his Highness, and my Lord Fleetwood did promise to 
assist him in it. Whereupon I drew the following Petition. 

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Oct. 23"! 1655. To his Highness the Lord Protector of 
England Scotland and Ireland. 

The Humble Petition of Robert Venables. 
* Sheweth, 

That upon the signification of your Highness displeasure in his 
Commitment to the Tower he made his humble address by Petition 
to your Highness that a confinement to his Chamber might only 
have been inflicted for some time, in regard of his present weakness, 
and many occasions which much press'd him ; but that not being 
delivered, as he humbly conceives, until after his Commitment, he 
now most humbly imploreth that your Highness Clemency may so 
far Commiserate his sad affliction, as to grant him so much of 
enlargement from his imprisonment that he may be enabled to make 
use of some means for his Health, and may have an Opportunity 
to lay before your Highness the whole Services of his behaviour 
in the business he hath been so unhappy in ; wherein if he be not 
able to manifest he hath behav'd himself faithfully, tho' accompanied 
with Cross providences, he is ready to abide with much more 
satisfaction any further or other mark of your displeasure, and your 
Highness favour herein shall Oblige Your Petitioner ever to pray 

Robert Venables.' 

Some few days after M"". Eaton retum'd to me, and told me 
his Highness was in great rage upon the reading of it, and cast it 
away, saying I would cast the blame of all upon him. After this 
M**. Eaton came to me and told me there were some further 
exceptions against me, to which I gave him my Answers which 
here follow : — 

Objec. Ist. A proclamation against Pillage. 

Ans. I did nothing in that but what was the Commissioners 
order, which by my Instructions I was bound to observe and there- 
fore, though against my judgment (which is before cleared), yet was 
constrained to do it, lest the neglect should be Charg'd upon me. 

2nd. Our landing to the Westward. 

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Ans. I was no Seaman, and knew not any Port, and must 
land where the Seamen would bring me. Myself and Officers 
voted the Eiver Hine, from which place, unless beat off, we 
resolved not to go, as the Votes yet extant will declare, but our 
Guide brought us elsewhere, which was not my fault, that part 
of the service belonging to the Seamen over whom I had no 

3rd. Our retreat the first time after the enemy was beaten. 

Ans. Ist. Our Men at that instant were fasting forty eight 
hours, and both Men and Horses died of Thirst. 

2d. They wanted Ammunition. 

3d. Our Guide was slain in the fight. 

4th. It was dark we could not see a place to assault. 

5th. If we could we had no Ladders. 

6. Had we marched up the River it was five Miles, [and] 
thro' Woods, and no Guide to lead us, and subject to ambushes, 
and also the Town would lye between us and our Fleet. The 
retreat was Voted for these reasons by a Council of War. 

Objec. 4th. The drawing of[f] the Mortar Piece. 

Ans. The Army had a pannick Terror upon them, so that the 
Officers said, as Soldiers we were bound to go on, but as Christians 
they would not advise it, seeing the Soldiers had lost their hearts, 
and ever left their Officers. The Fire Master came in and offered 
to take the place with the Mortar Piece ; upon which the Officers 
Voted they would not draw off before the next day ; at Sun rise 
the Pioneers would not be drawn nor any other, tho' myself and 
Officers did so long as we could stand on our legs endeavour to 
procure Men to work for money or any reward, but none would, 
and Capt. Hughes refus'd to play the Piece without a Breast- 
work, so that he declining, and no workmen to be got, according 
to the Councils Votes, the Army fainting for water, we were 
forc'd to retreat.^ 

» But see Clark Papers^ iii. 67 ; Thurloc, iii. 507 ; Memorials of Sir William 
Penny ii. 90. 

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Objec. 5th. My breaking up the Commission alone. 

Ans. I sent for the Commissioners, and when no Man expected 
my Continuance in this life for twenty four hours, they delay'd 
two days ; and then only Capt. Butler came ; so that unless I 
should have suffer'd his Highness Service to be prejudiced, for the 
Instructions being in my hands if lost as possibly they might, all 
had been in confusion, and therefore the necessity of his Highness 
Service requiring it, I hop'd I did that which another neglected 
for the good of his Service. 

M'^. Eaton told me also he had spoken to his Highness Con- 
cerning me, who said to him, * bring a paper from him, and I will 
get the business of his Liberty effected,' which M'. Eaton told me, 
and added that he thought his Highness intended the last paper 
I gave him containing my answer to the last Objections. 
Whereupon I drew one for him, which he delivered to his Highness ; 
which his Highness when he bad read it was displeas'd with, and 
cast it from him again, and said it was not the Paper. And that 
he observed that time and ever after his Countenance was changed 
against me, for he expected a Petition acknowledging an Errour. 

M*^. Eaton went to my Lord Fleetwood, and shewed him a Copy 
of my Petition before mentioned, who told him that would not 
please, for it desir*d a trial, and My Lord expected a Submission. 
Whereupon M"^. Eaton came to me and told me all. Upon which 
he concluded I must die in Prison, except I acknowledged a fault, 
and earnestly press'd me to try what I could say. I reply'd, I 
would never be a knave upon record under my own hand, being 
innocent. If I had offended why was I not Qaestioned ? He said 
it would never be used to my prejudice. Upon which I writ to 
his Excellency the Lord Fleetwood as foUoweth, 

' My Lord, 

M'^. Eaton came to me this morning, and gave me a sad account 
of the dislike conceived against my Petition. The Reason of my 
drawing of it in that form (having none to advise me) was because 

a 2 

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I thought his Highness and Council did desire to see me Cleared of 
such aspersions as were by others cast upon me, especially in a printed 
Paper, which they were pleas'd to suppress and imprison the 
Printers ; besides I do hear some others do intend a Charge against 
me, and should I acknowledge my self guilty of what that Paper 
or they say, I should wrong my Conscience and Cause, and also 
exclude my self from all other Plea in my own defence ; but tho' 
it have disgusted, yet it was not so intended, and I am not a little 
sorry that it was Construed otherwise than what was my aim and 
end. But what is charged upon me as a fault, Vizt. My return 
home, I shall in that particular throw my self at his Highness feet, 
so far as I act not against Conscience (which I hope is not 
desir'd), and wave all Arguments which I might alledge in my 
own behalf. I do confess my heart did run homewards, in regard 
that after near four months trial I grew daily worse and nearer 

2ndly. The great wants of the Army and my unusefulnes there, 
yet judg'd I might do more good here. 

3rdly. The great disorder and wickedness in the Army, which 
tho' I endeavour'd by all means to suppress. Yet 

4thly. The OflBcers were so far from assisting that they rather 
endulged the Soldiers, never punishing Swearing nor drunkenness, 
but admonishing [only], and am most heartily griev'd that I could 
do no better Service there and have Offended his Highness by my 
return, whose Service your Excellency knoweth I desire to promote, 
tho' restrain'd, and whose prosperitie, with success to the Cause of 
God in his Management, is by none more unfeignedly pray'd for 
than, My Lord, 

Your Excellencys very humble Oblig'd Servant, 

Robert Venableb.' 

Tower, Got. 26th 1655. 
I also drew up this ensuing Petition. 

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* To his Highness the Lord Protector of England, Scotland, and 


The humble Petition of Eobert Venables 

That your Petitioner being made sensible of your Highness 
displeasure Conceiv'd against him for his return home without 
your Highness licence (his distemper depriving him of ability so 
maturely to Consider the thing as the weight of the matter did 
require), he cannot but in Conscience endeavour to remove the 
great prejudice your Highness hath contracted against him for 
that inconsiderable Act, but most humbly implores that your 
Highness in Clemency would be pleas'd to Commiserate his sad 
weak Condition and sufferings, and to wave your Highness indigna* 
tion (occasioned by that indiscreet Act) against him, and grant him 
enlargement from his sad Confinement. And as in duty bound he 
shall not only endeavour but ever Pray &c. 

EoBERT Venables.' 

It is evident this Petition owns no fault save the hand of God 
upon me depriving me of my sences, and that I came away in 
that condition, but what I had to plead in my justification shall 
follow. For this was extorted from me, and M^ Eaton, whom I 
ever honoured as my Chiefest friend, over entreated that from me 
which all other Persuasions besides threatenings could not induce 
me to yield unto. This Petition M*". Eaton delivered, and solicited 
the same some few days, but having stay'd about three Weeks in 
London, and dispatched all his own Occasions he came to me and 
took leave of me, I desir'd his stay a few days, but he would not, 
yet did not doubt but God would appear for me, and deliver me 
thence, and clear my innocency. Upon which I mov'd the R^ 
Honourable the Lady Viscountess Raualaugh and Sir John 
Clotworthy, who in two days brought my discharge, of which here 
foUoweth a Copy. 

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' Oliver P. 

These are to will and require you forthwith to release and set 
at Liberty the body of Robert Venables now Prisoner under your 
charge in our Tower of London, our former Warrant for his 
Commitment to your Custody notwithstanding; hereof you are 
not to fail, and this shall be your suflScient Warrant. Given at 
Whitehall this thirtieth day of October 1655 

To John Barkstead Esq. 
Lieutenant of our Tower of London.' 

* Wednesday the SVK of October 1655 at the Council at White- 
hall. Upon reading a Letter from General Venables directed to 
the Lord President, taking notice that he had seen the Councils 
Vote of Yesterday * Concerning his enlargement, and signifying 
his readiness to deliver up his Commission as General, and to give 
a resignation of his Irish Command, in regard he hath not the 
Commission with him. 

Order'd that upon his delivery into the hands of Mr Jessop his 
Commission as General, and to give a resignation of his Command 
in Ireland in Writing, Containing withal an undertaking to deliver 
up the Commission itself so soon as he can get it with conveniency 
into his Power, the Warrant for his enlargement shall be delivered 
and put in Execution ; and that as soon as may be he do also 
deliver up his said Commission for his Command in Ireland accord- 
ing to such his undertaking. 

Henry Scobell Clerk of the Council.' 

* October 31'^ 1655. -I have this day received from General 
Robert Venables his Highness Commission for Constituting him 
Commander in Chief under his Highness for the Army and forces 
rais'd for the Expedition to the West Indies, bearing date the 
Ninth of December 1654.^ As also an Instrument under his hand 

• Cal S. P. Dom, 1665, p. 402. 

^ The Commission is printed in Thurloe'8 Stale Papers, ill. 16. 

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and Seal for surrendering his Command as Coll. of a Regiment of 
Foot in Ireland, Commander in Chief of the forces in Ulster, and 
Commander of the Town and Castle of Carrickvargus, according to 
the purport of the honourable Councils above mentioned order. 

William Jessop/ 

* I do hereby Certifie that the above mentioned is a true Copy of 
the Councils order, and that the Commission therein mentioned was 
accordingly delivered to the said M"^. Jesopp, together with the 
resignation above said, for which the Receipt above mentioned is a 
true copy. 

John Barkstead.' 

Dated at the Tower of London 
November 2nd 1655. 

But I have omitted one thing during these transactions. 
General Penn desir'd me not to yield to acknowledge any fault 
or submit, and promised me he never would. I had not reason to 
trust his word. Yet I told him I would not for I knew no fault 
I was guilty of, and therefore could confess none, neither would I 
so much prejudice my own innocency as unjustly to Charge my 
self. Yet he did, and so got Liberty a Week before me.^ Also I 
grew very weak and sickly in that time, by reason I was lodg'd 
over a great draw-well which sent up unwholesome Vapours and 
damps, which much distempered my weak body. Whereupon I 
desir'd the Lieutenant of the Tower to Change my Tx)dging, and 
named some to him ; he refns'd and told me his Officers must have 
them. I reply 'd they might have those I was in which they might 
well endure, but I could not, but was delayd, and at last denied. 
All which, with the refusal of a Vessel to bring me by Sea from 
Portsmouth, to take security for my appearance that I might 
use Physick, the putting me into a Chamber where I durst not 
take Physick and keeping me there, caus'd me to remember some 

> Oct. 25. See Memorials of Sir WHUam Penn, ii. 184, 141, and Col. S, P. Dom. 
1655, p. 896. 

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words spoke to me by some friends before I left England ; which were 
(Vizt.) That I was sent to be destroy'd not to do Service, That I 
was popular in Ireland, had too much Interest there, and that they 
knew not how to displace me, or free themselves from me, but by 
such a removal as might occasion Death. I look'd upon all this as 
malice to disgust me against the State, and therefore regarded it 
not ; tho' for my place some friends can testifie that I was weary 
of employment, and desir'd a private Life, and this Voyage being 
only to settle a Colony (which was effected) I might then retire 
without prejudice to myselfe, or raising a dispute or jealousie in 
the State (which would follow) if I gave up my Command. 

Having given a true relation of things as they were done I 
should have made an end. But the sight of a short but slanderous 
J^amphlet ' causeth me to take occasion to answer some things 
mentioned in the same, which are ignorantly, or rather maliciously 
related. Tho' his Highness imprisoning the Printers and sellers 
of the same might serve for a Confutation of it wherein the state 
is Concerned, Yet I conceive that will not excuse me, and my 
Silence might be judg'd a guilt, or inability to Vindicate myself. 
I shall therefore track him in his own path ; and here I must also 
Apologise that the Author not owning it by his name might 
justly excuse my silence, and also his speaking in such general 
terms that no man of reason ought to judge him peccant who is 
not personated. Yet that I may not prejudice the truth in not 
discovering his uncharitable Censures, which unless detected might 
mislead some, I take my self engaged to reply to his Closely 
insinuating aspersiona 

And seeing he lays down as his method of proceeding three 
grounds I shall take them in his own order. 

1st Quere Whether the setting forth of this Army were really 
intended for the glory of God, and propagation of the Gospel ? 

» A brief and perfect Journal of the late Proceedings and Success of the English 
Army in the West Indies. . . . TogetJter toith some Queries inserted and answered 
... By I. S. an Eyewitness. Reprinted in the Harleian Miscellany, iii. 510. 

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A. Except this Anonimus durst be so shameless as to Charge 
the Supream Authority with Hypocrisie, I suppose he might easily 
have answered himself in the affirmative ; for first it is granted 
from grounds of reason and Scripture that to Punish Offenders and 
Offences doth advantage the Glory of God, for all just Wars are for 
the revenging or repelling of wrongs done or offer'd to such over 
whom God hath placed that power or Magistracy, who in Conscience 
and reason ought to defend those from Injury over whom God hath 
given them Authority. 

Magistracy is for the punishment of evil doers, and the praise 
of them that do well; which duty if the Magistrate do not 
discharge he bears the Sword in vain, or at the best doth not make 
that use of it which God and the nature of Authority require from 
him. And what wrongs the English have suffered from the 
Spaniards in those Western parts his Highness in his declaration 
Concerning the War against Spain doth set forth, and were publickly 
known almost to all Men, and no reparation made. And if the Lord 
should please to give these Countries into the Possession of a 
Protestant Nation (except M*". I. S. judge the Protestant Beligion 
will not propagate the Gospel and advance the Glory of God), I sup- 
pose the Glory of God and the Gospel must undeniably be promoted. 
But the Calumniator tacitly blasteth the state (who had so strong 
provocations and just grounds of War) with this close insinuation 
Page 3*^. * To conclude the design to be Altogether grounded upon 
a wrong and corrupt principle were to accuse our Grandees &c ; * 
Where he doth infer that they did not aim at either of those ends, 
and gives his reason drawn from the Instruments ; and because some 
did lye open to just exceptions he concludes against all. And a little 
before he tells us the secrecy of the design caus*d honest Men to 
desert it ; ^ which is not true, for some (not out of Conscience but 
for other engagements and employments, as the dissuation of 
Friends, or disgust against his Highness) did decline that Voyage, 
but not in reference to the injustice of the quarrel that I know of, 
' Harleian Miscellany, v. 611. ^ lb. iii. 610. 

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who have more reason to know it more than this man ; but I 
suppose he would have all Protestant designs made publick that 
each private Man that engages in the Service might have his 
Conscience informed, or indeed the publick Popish Enemy 
acquainted to prepare for resistance. As for the OflScers, so many 
as scrupled were satisfied in the justice of the quarrel, and indeed 
this I. S. gives enough to answer himself, (Vizt.) The Spaniards 
wrongs to our Plantations, and that no Articles of Peace extended 
to the south of the Tropick. But because he was not Consulted with, 
belike that he might be a Ghostly father to the Soldiers to Counsel 
them, he Concludes that all Men that went were men of no 
Conscience, and [men] to pin their faith on other Mens Sleevs, but 
all rational Men know that to discover a design is to overthrow it. 

Next he comes to the good intent of the Cause, upon which he 
gives his opinion from the ill success of the Action. A good 
argument learnt by him out of the Turkish Alcoran ; had he read 
over the 20th of Judges he might have found the Israelites who 
prosecuted a good quarrel, and by the Express Command of God, 
yet fell twice before the Benjamites, but he then covers this 
unhandsomely by the Servants disobeying the commands of their 
Masters, but shews not wherein, pretends selfe seeking, but gives 
no instance, and Casts blemishes without Cause or ground upon all. 
It may be some might be persons that came upon the Account of 
Spoil and Pillage ; but he should have been so just, if an ocular 
Witness (as himself saith), to have instanced in some who gave most 
evident signs, or expressed so much in words, and not to have blasted 
all for the fault of some who could not be unknown. Then he falls 
back to the justice of the quaiTel, and gives four reasons, the first * 
and last ^ fitter for the mouth of a Papist or atheist than (what he 
would be thought) a Protestant. The second and third gave me 
ground to engage in the design, with what I alledg'd at the first. 

After this he disputes and Concludes that of the Legality of the 

> * In regard those they went out afainst were idolatora.' 
' ' Conquest is free to all people.' 

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Cause, but makes it no Argument of the good intent ; nor do I, 
but if the justice of the Cause be Cleared to me, the intent of the 
designers is not to be any scruple, [it is sufficient] to know but 
my own intents in Acting of which my own heart accuses me not. 
Then he leaves all with a Confus'd mixing of good and bad, but in 
the Conclusion excuses no man but Condemns all, and Concludes 
the Army so bad that no good could be expected from them. I do 
not plead for the Armys Piety. Neither Officers nor Soldiers 
almost [were] known to me before I was engaged in the design. I 
crav'd my own Regiment for one, and that the rest might be 
drawn out of the Irish Army, seasoned with hardships and hazard ; 
but the design seemed to be laid aside, and at last came on again 
so fast that my request was denied, as not to be done in time. 
Yet no Officers were taken on but such as had the Commendation of 
some of his Highness Council, Chief Ministers of State, or Officers 
of the Army (and I could do no more), the Letters of recommenda- 
tion left in Secretary Malins ^ hands. The private soldiers were 
promised out of the old English Army but I Confess not performed, 
save as this nameless author relates; and if any were proved 
unworthy among the Officers he was laid aside ; but who ever saw 
an Army Consisting wholly of (and I confess this had too few) 
Religous Men in it. But nevertheless let this author or any Man 
else instance their rapes, murbhers, Plunderings &c. either in 
England or Barbadoes, tho' I know few armies where such Offences 
are not Committed, yet I never heard of any in either of these 
places that I remember, and I am Certain none that I heard of 
escaped unpunished ; but tho' he cannot instance in one of these 
Offences in the Army, yet he prefers the Spaniards before as less 
Wicked. And here I suppose he must Confess himself a Papist, 
or a very Mean Historian, or exceeding forgetful, who hath read 
the Spaniards Conquests of those parts (set forth by their own 
Country Men), and his ears glow not at the horrid Cruelties, and 
more than barbarous inhumanities practic'd by the Spaniards (out 
' William Malyn, CromweH's private seoretaiy. 

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of a wanton bloody humour) upon the poor Natives ; or can he 
forget his Highness late declaration of the date of ^ ' Of the 
grounds of the War with Spain,' and can read of the Massacres of 
the English, and yet prefer those Men before the English Army, 
who were protestants, tho very loose and debauch'd, yet by 
discipline restrained from such outrages, but he hath no mind to 
speak one word in the Armys defence, which shews him to be of 
Cham's * lineage desirous to trumpet (to the uttermost of his malice) 
his Country Mens infirmities. But tho' I do not excuse the Common 
Soldiers of the Army from Prophaneness, which indeed had too 
many debauch'd persons in it, as Consisting of the worst men 
either of England or the Plantation, yet, as I said, outrages were 
not acted by them ; and for the Officers, there were some Godly 
Persons, eminent for their Piety and Valour and Services in their 
Country, as Major General Heynes, who is the only one he 
Commends, and Coll. Fortescue, afterwards Major General, much 
esteemed by Godly Men, Ministers, and others, for his Piety and 
Valour, and Conduct declar'd in several Services in England, with 
some others as Capt. How, and several of my own Regiment. Yet 
he takes no notice of them at all, not Considering that often the 
denomination is given from the better and ruling part in Scripture, 
where a Godly reforming King brings his People to be reckoned-aft^J 
Religious, he Causing them to serve the Lord; and indeed the. 
Major part of the Officers were Civil, though not able and fit for 
employment, which could not be known to me who was a stranger 
to them until trial was made, tho' they had good men to recommend 
them as is said, and had serv'd the State. But he mentions not 
Adjutant General Jackson a prophane Drunkard, and Whoremaster, 
a Man that stood Charg'd (and the Charge prov'd) of Perjury and 
forgery. Concerning whom, as being known to me, I had with 

' Scriptum Domini Protectoris contra Hispanos, whioh according to Masson, 
passed the Protector's Oouncil Got. 26, 1655. It appears to have been drawn up by 
Fiennes, and Milton's Latin version was published Nov. 9, 1655. Masson, Life of 
Milton, iv. 241. * Ham's. 

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Major General Worsley mov*d his Highness, but he was notwith- 
standing forc'd upon us ; nor Coll. Buller, who never yet cleared 
himself about the loss of Scilly, ^ but for the generality of the 
soldiers, take the Opinion of Major General Daniel * (which was 
the Opinion of others) in a Letter to me whilst in Prison. That 
part of the Letter foUoweth : 

* I wonder not that you fell under the Extremity of difficulties, 
Considering (except some few trusty Officers) that you carried 
with you the very sweepings of some part of England ; and tho' I 
know God is not limited to Instruments, yet his name is most 
Principally engag'd with his People.* 

His second query he passeth over refering us to what hath 
been said, and what foUoweth, and so shall I refer the reader also, 
as he doth, to my Answers before and which follow.' 

His third he tells us of the great preparations and strength of 
the Army, and Gods oppositi[on] to them. As to the success, I 
answer that we effected what we were sent about ; the fixing of a 
Colony, tho' we faiUd in the place which we first attempted, not 
through the Valour of the Opposers, but forc'd away thro' want 
of Water, and Carriages to take along with us all Conveniences, 
and tho' we were well provided for, yet those Provisions staying 
behind (not by our fault, who would have stay'd for them but were 
not permitted), we were Constrain'd to leave Barbadoes, having 
almost eaten both them and our small stores (that came with us) 
up, and so could not stay longer for them, lest we had perish'd our 
selves and destroy'd the Plantations. And our necessity enfor- 
cing us to go with what we had, we were as Persons without 
Accommodations of arms, ammunition, or Provisions. And that it 

• Sept. 1648. See Hoskins, Charles IL in the Channel Islands, ii. 241. 

' Major General William Daniel, then in Scotland, whose brother, John Daniel, 
served in the expedition. See Thnrloe, iii. 508. 

* * Whether those that were of the army were fit instniments to be employed in 
the exaltation of God's work * &c. 

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should be, as he saith, marvellous to see Persons perish of thirst in 
those Torrid Eegions, I see not. It may be he will say we might 
have Landed nearer to the City. I have answer'd that already, and 
refer the reader to judge whose fault it was, the Seamen, or ours, 
who were Carried so far oflF against our wills, and thereby ruined, 
being exposed to hunger, thirst, and all inconveniences which the 
Climate could inflict upon our men, whereby we were weak'ned, as 
also with bad and scant diet, as is before related, and the Enemy 
had time thereby given him to call in all the strength he could make* 

Next he gives us the journey itself, and beginneth with the 
Armies, relating of what manner of men they were formed. I 
shall not say anything now, having spoken my thoughts before, 
and Confess he speaks too much truth, and shall mention nothing 
till we Come to Hispaniola, where he gives us that number of the 
Army, in whose number he is Mistaken some hundreds, for the 
Muster Rolls makes them Six thousand five hundred fifty-one, and 
he Seven Thousand ; and saith they had three days Provision at their 
Landing, but it being delivered out two days before they landed, 
the Seamen Caus'd the rest of them (which I knew not till we were 
on shore) to feed on that allowance before Landing, so that the 
most of them had but one days Provisions to live upon when they 
Landed, too small a proportion for them if we had Landed at Hine 
River, much more disproportionable to so long and tedious a march. 

Next he mentions the Proclamation against Plunder, the 
reason of which, and my Opinion with my Actings, I have given 
before, and refer the reader to the same, it being the Commissioners 
Act, not mine, tho' they saw the discontent it raised in the Army 
yet persisted in it. As to the avarice of Persons,^ let them bear 
the blame that deserve it ^ ; yet to speak Conjecturally (I suppose) 
those that were more pertinatious to have it, or refused the Army 
Pillage, and yet gave them no Pay (and how can men subsist 

' Harleian Miscellany^ iii. 615. 

* ' That were gailty. I was only passive and renounced all interest in it.* 
Povey's MS. 

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without Pay or Pillage), and refus'd the Army liberty to have any 
inspection into management of it, or a subsistance out of it, are 
most likely to seek their own advantage by it ; and of any of these 
no man can Charge me, or if they do my own transactions will 
plead my excuse and vindicate my Innocency. 

Next he tells us the Army had no Opposition in lianding 
except excessive heat of the Sun and intolerable drought,^ which 
was so great that some drank their own Urine, others died. I 
would here query of him what Opposition could be worse for us 
than [to] our Want of Provisions (as before is related), to have heat 
and thirst in the Extremity Added ; what greater difficulties than 
hunger, heat, and thirst (miseries not to be overcome), could an 
Enemy cast in our ways, or wish to befal us, yet these he passeth 
over with a slight expression of nothing but Heat and thirst in the 

Next he brings us to the River Hine, and tells us of our short 
stay and refreshment ; ^ which was short indeed, for no other re- 
freshment had we after two days fasting save a little water and 
sitting half an hour upon the Ground, tho' our purpose was to have 
got more, and being told a foord a little higher would give us a 
passage over, to come to our Ships to receive our necessaries ; but 
it prov'd so far off that we were that night without Meat and drink, 
and caus'd us to fast near forty hours longer. ITien he relates a 
small Skirmish, which was occasioned as is before related.^ We 
met with Coll. BuUer and Cox our Guide, who promised to bring 
us to water, which was joyful news to our fainting Men ; and lying 
near to the Fort I sent some Officers to View it, some reported it low, 
weak, and unflanked ; finding them diflfer in Opinions I sent the 
Engineer, who then came to us, who assur'd me it was a regular 
well fortified (but small) piece. Having got a little strength by 
resting me, and exceedingly troubled with a violent Flux, I went 
my self; and if my Eyes were able to see it was a Fort about 
Twenty five Yards Square, and seven or Eight Yards high at least. 
^ Harleian MisceUcmyy iii, 516. *I6. iii. 616. *Ib, 

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I sent some into the Woods to search for ambushes, and the 
OflBcers being generally very weary,. I went myself with the Guide 
to see that done, which I could not procure others to do,^ and so 
fell upon the ambush, but not into it; for we discover'd them 
before they mov'd towards us, and the forlorn fir'd, but spent their 
fire over nimbly, which gave the Enemy advantage to fall in with 
their Lances before they could Charge again, and so routed them. 
Whereby I was endangered which mov'd the Officers to press me 
not to march (as I ever used) with the Van, if not with the forlorn ; 
and this I speak to Vindicate my self from the imputation of rash- 
ness, which some Charged upon me, tho' I did nothing but upon 
necessity, and what I could not procure to be done by others ; and 
also to shew the reason why I was not in the Van the second time, 
it being the very earnest pressing desire of all the Colls. But 
whereas this occular Witness saith they routed the first Regiment, 
I reply, I saw no man run but the forlorn, which Consisted of Sea- 
men, and the Sea Regiment relieved their fellows who had no Pikes 
(and therefore routed), and beat back the Enemy presently. I 
pursued them within Cannon Shot of the Town, and then we, as it is 
before related, for the reasons alledged retreated to our Ships, for 
to refresh our Men, who had most of them fasted four days, except 
what fruits they had found in the woods, which were generally 
Oranges and Lemons. 

Against our next advance we made all the Provision we could 
to carry Water and Brandy ; but all we could do was too short to 
supply our extream want. The fight I have before related, and 
shall not now repeat anything ; only I can but confess with him to 
my grief the unworthy fall of Major General Heynes. But must 
contradict this relator as to the number of the Spaniards. Gentle- 
men of Credit and Judgment who were on board affirm'd to me 
they saw at least Three thousand march out of the Town, but this 
Spectator saw but fifty. We were assured by Cox our Guide, 
who had lived twelve years amongst them, that they could 
* See Memorials of Sir William Penw, ii. 85. 

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bring into the Field Five Thousand Men; they had time to 
draw them together, and no man will Conceive they would lye 
still, and only send out fifty to fight. But I say further, that 
in those Continual Woods or Wildernesses, where not above Six 
could march abreast, few could be seen, neither in the Rear nor 
those in the Woods. Our Forlorn were Four hundred, and the 
Enemy fir'd upon them in Van and flank at once, and if fifty could 
do this let any Man judge, and [if] so many as three thousand [were] 
drawn out of the City its probable they could not all stand Idle. 
He said also half the Army was routed ; an utter untruth ; two 
Regiments were only routed ; and the Enemy was beaten back, 
and retreated not untill forc*d away by the Sea Regiment led on by 
Vice Admiral Goodson and myself,* and about a hundred of Major 
General Heynes's we stayed from runing away. And who ever 
knew the Spaniard so much fool or Coward as not to follow success 
to the utmost when a fair advantage offer'd itself. For the Number 
of the slain, he reckons Six hundred, after two hundred lost in the 
Woods, and three hundred wounded [so] that most of them died, as 
he saith ; and tho* we never had more blows, at our leaving 
Hispaniola he makes our loss One thousand seven hundred,* 
whereas I am certain, as before I related, we were never more (if 
so many) than Six thousand Five hundred fifty one, and aft»r all 
the death at Jamaica for Ten Weeks, which was our first muster, 
we were above five thousand eight hundred and therefore the 
death there, as is related before, and the loss at Hispaniola 
could not be above Seven hundred ; so that he gives the Spaniards 
a thousand to grace their success with, and all the sick at Jamaica 
that died there to make up the number he allows them. Page 
15 He relates that we drew up after this fight near the Fort etc. 
Several untruths are Contained in this relation ; for as before we 

' I. S. says tbe Spaniards retreated only because tired with slaughter, not able 
to proceed further. Harleian Miscellany ^ ill. 517. 

' By a General Muster was found, that of 9700 men first landed, there re- 
mained then only 8000, the sea regiment included. Harleian Miscellany, iii. 518. 

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beat the Enemy back, recover'd our slain, and the night being at 
hand kept the ground all that night. A Council of Officers being 
caird did advise to try the Mortar Piece on the Fort if it could 
play by Sunrise, otherwise draw off, lest we should perish by thirst, 
and this was the reason why the Mortar Piece was drawn off, and 
known to them that advis'd it, but if not known to all it was net 
usual to tell our results.* The Engineer was call'd, but as before 
none would work, and the place was unsecure, for several Cannon 
Shot fell within some few Yards of the place, took Six, Seven, or 
Nine Men away at a Shot, so that the Enemys Guns could bear 
upon the Place which was as open as the Ground the Men stood 
upon. And I am perswaded if there had been an Offence worthy 
punishment, those who had the power would not leave the matter 
altogether unquestioned. The Officers finding their Men so base, 
and the danger of perishing by thirst so unavoidable that they 
Voted a retreat, and I think it was better to bring off the Mortar 
Piece than to leave it behind us. For the rest that foUoweth let 
the Seamen answer, whom it Chargeth with so much cruelty as 
to deny us Food, which brought them to eat Dogs, Asses, Horses, 
and indeed whatever they could get, tho' unhealthful. 

We now follow him to Jamaica.* His 20*** Page begins with 
the Proclamation he mentions against railing away, telling us 
scoffingly it might have done well if made before we Landed at 
Hispaniola ; and so I think also, but we could not imagine our 
Men would have proved so base. And the old Adage might have 
answered him, Good Laws have their rise from evil manners. And 
also at our landing he tells us the weak opposition that was made, 
but the Number of the Enemy is untruly related ; we were assur'd 
there were upwards of three thousand in the Country, and generally 
all of them living in or near to the Town, in which were four or Six 
Churches, and Houses to have quartered Twenty thousand Men ; 
and if (besides those in the Country) all could make up but Five 
hundred let any Man judge ; and all were drawn down to Oppose 
' conaolts ? * Harleian Miscellany, iii. 620. 

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our Landing, for we saw their fires made to give notice of an 
Enemy approaching the day before we Landed, and I do believe 
were generally drawn to the Sea side for their defence. 

Next he mentions our Number Seven Thousand. When he 
mustered us at first (Page 12*^^'), he made us but Seven thousand, 
tho' as before our greatest number was but Six thousand five 
hundred fifty one, and of the Seven thousand he mentions to be 
landed at Hispaniola, One thousand two hundred were Sea Men 
Regimented under Vice Admiral Goodson, and of those he cuts 
off One thousand Seven hundred as lost (Page 16 and 17) at 
Hispaniola. Sure our Men were like Bees, that after a shower (if 
overtaken with it) lye dead, but revive again with the next 
breaking out of the Sunbeams, or else he is a very false Muster 
Master, and an egregious Lyar. As for their out-witing us, he sure 
thought us fools because we admitted of a Treaty, and thereby had 
Cowes brought in which otherwise we must have wanted, and had 
also Hostages Men of quality and worth (as their Chief Mayor, and 
Don Acosta one of the best men amongst them) ; and yet if they 
stood out we were at no loss, we had our Army to reduce them, 
which must have been the way if we had never Treated, and so 
were at no loss, and yet got refreshment and fresh Meat for our 
Men without blows or trouble, which else we must have wanted ; 
and now let any Man judge how we are over-reach'd, and what 
simple souls we were Easie to be abus'd by any ; and yet when they 
broke we got Hostages, and in the Interim gain'd knowledge of 
the Country, and set division among themselves. As for their 
Goods, it now appears who Coveted plunder and Spoil, because the 
Army was was not March'd all night in an unknown Country, all 
Wood, without Guide to direct them, to possess an Open Town, 
where little I believe was to be got (for there was not almost any- 
thing when Jackson took the Island formerly), and the Money, and 
Plate, and richest movables were I suppose carried away upon the first 
notice of onrapproach, and yet he Complains of our Simplicity inloes 
of the Pillage, and whereas he saith they drove away their Horses, 

u 2 

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Cattle &c, I answer'd this before, and in two days we recovered 
them again. As to the order against killing Cows by single persons, 
the reason is given before, to which I refer the Eeader ; and must 
needs say that our Mens Misery and wants proceeded from the 
want of food from the Fleet, who refus'd to supply us, as is 
already before related very largly under the hands of several 
persons of honour and Credit. And thus have I done with this 
Malicious traducer, but that those who are under the States frowns 
should meet with base language from Slanderous Tongues is no 
News, Envious Spirits taking that Opportunity to vent their 

There remains some objections which may seem to be yet 
unanswer'd, which I shall resolve, and leave all to the Candid 
Judment of the Ingenious and unbiased Reader. 
Q. 1**. Why would I go before my Stores ? 
Ans. I declared my dissatisfaction in that particular, and was 
promis'd they should meet me at Portsmouth, and there I was 
order'd to stay for them at Barbadoes, and necessity forc'd us thence 
before they Came, except we should have eaten up and devour'd 
that Island, and so destroyed it and our selves. 

Q 2nd. Why did I go with such a Rascally rabble of raw 
and unexercised men, never disciplined ? 

Ans. I desir'd my own Regiment and the rest out of the Irish 
Army, season'd with hardship and hazard, and after that the 
design was laid aside, as pretended, was hasted away, and promis'd 
Men out of the English and Scotch forces, who had (unknown to 
me till after) inlisted the rabble, and put them to us, and kept 
back their Old Soldiers, and we were not permitted to stay to try 
them what they were. 

Q. S""^. Why did we not keep them in better discipline ? 
Ans. Who ever read of an Army, tho' best disciplin'd, that 
was kept in order, which had neither Pay, Pillage, Arms, nor Pro- 
visions; much more was I unable to do it amongst a company 
who neither knew what order or Civility meant, and where the 

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Officers indulged them, never puniBhing almost any offence save by 
admonition, and my Commission did not permit me to punish my- 
self but by a Court Martial. 

Q. 4^. Why should I go on a design I knew not the reason of it ? 

Ans. I was acquainted so far with it as to know the Law- 
fulness of it, and the rest (tho I desir'd to know the same) was 
the States part, not mine, they being accountable for that, not I. 
Yet the Officers that scrupled any thing had their doubts 

Q. 5***. Why would I go so bounded with Instructions and 
manacled by Commissioners ? 

Ans. I did propound toM*^. Secretary ITiurloe (to whom I was 
commanded to make my addresses), that I might not have my 
Friends (by strict Instructions) made more terrible to me than my 
Enemies, for whoever attempted anything resolutely that (if it 
fail'd) was in danger of life to them that imploy'd him, and 
therefore needed all encouragements, the difficulties of the service 
being sufficient, to engage again. I was promised I should not ; 
my Commission was large enough ; and my Instructions,^ save in 
one Clause (which all Commissions have in them) that referred to 
all further orders, which I Conceiv'd related to all further Intel- 
ligence upon transactions, not to the Commissioners Instructions, 
who I supposed were only to deal (as those sent me into Ireland by 
the Parliament and after by his Highness) in Civil affairs, which I 
was well pleas'd with, in regard that burthen would be taken off 
my Shoulders, which had in Ireland so much Oppressed me ; and 
to Confirm me in this Opinion there was a Clause in my Commis- 
sion authorizing me to take and follow the advice of my Officers as 
occasion was Offered, but when the Commissioners Instructions 
were broken up at Sea they null'd all this. 

Q. 6***. But why would I suffer the Seamen so to use me in 
Provisions and Arms &c. which were put on board for our use 
as well as theirs ? ^ 

' For these Insiruotions see p. Ill, post^ ancl for the Ck)mmi88ion, Thurloe, ilL 16^^^ 

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A. There were few or no Soldiers aboard the Frigates who 
aw'd the Whole Fleet, and therefor the power was in the Sea 
OflBcers hands, and I had no means to help ray self by force, and 
therefore stood at their mercy, being only able to shew my wants, 
and to advise and require Supplies, but not able to relieve 

Q. 7*^*. Why should I go with such Commissioners, so unfit 
and unexperienc'd Men ? 

A. I look*d not upon them as having anything to do in 
Military affairs, and in Civil they were accountable for their 
Actions, not I, and if my own affairs succeeded I was well. 

Q. 8*^. Why did I take my Wife and Soldiers Wives with me ? 

A. First, I acquainted his Highness I resolv'd to take my Wife 
with me, and its probable if his Highness had declar'd his dislike 
I had either left her, or not gone my self Before ^ his Highness 
did only intend a Plantation, where Women would be necessary, 
and this proves also that I told his Highness before I went, that 
I proposed, if the Climate were not my Enemy, to stay there ; and 
had so done, but that the hand of God forc'd me back. Some 
Officers (as Coll. Humphrys) did afterwards take their Wives with 
them without hindrance or blame, and for Soldiers Wives, whoever 
have observed in Ireland know the necessity of having that Sex 
with an Army to attend upon and help the Sick and wounded, 
which men are unfit for. Had more Women gone I suppose that 
many had not perished as they did for want of care and attend- 

Q. 9*^ Why did I return home ? 

I did propound to M*". Secretary Thurloe before I went, 
according to his Highness Command, that if the air agreed not 
with me I might thereupon return home, and that in such a Case 
my Command in Ireland might be kept for me. He Answered, 
God forbid we should send men to die, and not to do Service, and 

Besides ? 

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for that reason my command in Ireland, and the Pay in the 
Interim should be reserved for me, which accordingly was performed 
and I receiv'd part of the Money in the Tower. 

2*3r. The physicians advised my return as not possible 
to live there, they having tried all means, and found that what 
stop'd my Flux heightened my Fever, and what abated my Fever 
encreased my Flux; and I stay'd fifteen Weeks expecting 
recovery, and was Convey 'd on board in a distracted Condition, 
which I had been in for a Month. 

3'^*^. the Officers Voted and desir'd my return to Solicite 
their afiairs, as being unable to do any Service there, and 
doubting I should not live to come home they joyn'd another with 
me in Commission to Solicite for them. The Vote was pass'd in 
a Council of War gathered against my Will, as before is related, 
and I stay'd Six weeks after it. 

4**^'3r. A Colony, the work I was sent about, was efiected, and 
no enemy appear'd save like Irish Tories, and no man will say 
that Ireland is not redac'd. 

5thiy There were three Commissioners left besides my self, 
and one Voted my return, another signed the Warrant for the 
Ship to bring me home, only one refused. 

Q^^^y. His Highnesse had Signed and Seal'd a dormant 
Commission thus endorsed, * Not to be open'd but in Case of the 
Death, disability, or absence of one or both the Generals,* and those 
words were in the body of the Commission, which was broken open, 
and another General Chose in my place, and his Commission 
Signed, and he discharged his place for a month before I left 
Jamaica. The word absence implys an Answer to my desire 
to Secretary Thurloe for my return, for except I returned I could 
not be absent firom the Army, and disability seemeth to me to be 
inserted on purpose, as well as absence, to authorize and Warrant 
my Coming home without danger, according to my proposals to 
M'. Secretary Thurloe. For why should another be Chosen, and 
Commissionated, and put in my place, without any Crime, and yet 

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I required to stay there ? In my Eye, and (I believe) in any rational 
Mans Judgment, 'tis inconsistent or unjust to set a Man aside 
without any fault save the hand of God in his distemper (which 
was my affliction not fault), and another to be put in his place, 
except thereby a Licence to return were Civilly Consented unto and 
hereby imply'd. 

Besides Captain Butler, one of the Commissioners, did against 
the express declaration of Major General Fortescue in the name of 
the Army against his return home, as destructive to his Highness 
Service, come thence, yet was never questioned, tho' I ofFer'd to 
prove high debauchedness and fomenting of Mutinies against him. 

General Fortescuies Letter to his Highness of this return of his 

' May it please your Highness.^ 

Albeit by other Letters I certified your Highness what I had 
said to Commissioner Butler, yet that not being satisfaction to 
me, because what pass'd was between him and me, I took 
occasion this morning in presence of Admiral Goodson, Coll. 
Buller, and this Gentleman, Rear Admiral Blagge, to tell the 
Commissioner that I conceiv'd, according to the duty of bis place, 
he ought to tarry with us, and therefore protested against his 
going, in regard your Highness Service should in all probability 
receive damage by it, for that the two Commanders in Chief of the 
Fleet and Land Forces, impower'd by your Highness Instructions 
to act as Commissioners, could not in some Cases act without a 
third Person. I also desir'd his Concurrence with the General in 
nominating and appointing a Commander in Chief of the Army in 
the Generals absence, but he utterly refus'd, saying the state of 
things were now much altered, and he could not, nor would not 
allow of Admiral Goodson and myself to be Commissioners, nor 
Consent that I should be Commander in Chief in the Generals 
absence, nor appoint any other, nor stay to order and Govern 
* Thurloe, iii. 681. See also pp. 674-5, for other letters on this subject. 

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things with the Commissioners, all which Bear Admiral Blagge 
can justify, and I Counted it a duty to be Certified to your 
Highness by 

Tour Highness most humble Servant 

Richard Fortescue' 

Jamaica Harbour, 
23rd July, 1655. 

I shall conclude all with a most thankful acknowledgment of 
the mercies of God to me in several eminent deliverances both 
from the Sword and Sickness. So that I may truly say I never 
saw more remarkable providences as to my personal preservation, 
Nor met with more Letts, Impediments, and cross Providences, in 
the management of the Publick Concerns in all my life. 

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Oliver P. 

Instructions vnto Generall Penn, Collonell Venables, 
Aldr. Ricard, Collonell Haines, Mr. Maurice Thomson, 
Capt. John Lymberry, Capt. Willm. Rider, Capt. Thomas 
Alderne, Mr. Willl^m Williams, Capt. Goodson, Mr. 
William Vincent, Capt. John Brookhaven, and Mr. 
Martin Noell, for the manageing the southerne expedi- 


Whereas Wee have, by advice of Our Counsell, resolued with all 
convenient speede to send into America a Squadron of Shipps of Warre 
consisting of 14, andseueral other Shipps of burthen to carry Provisions 
and other necessaries (a list of all which shipps you shall receive 
from the Commissioners of the Admiralty and Navie), and to send with 
the said Shipps 3000 land souldiers in 6 Regiments and 100 horse. And 
with the said Forces to Attaque the Spanyard both at sea and land in 
those parts ; who hath vnhumanly murdered diverse of Our people 
there, taken away their possessions, and doth exercise all Acts of 
hostility against them as open enemies, and hath seuerall other waies 
given iust cause to this State to take and prosecute the aforesaid 

And reposing trust and confidence in your prudence, faithfullness, 
and integrity, We have chosen, constituted, and appointed. And doe 
hereby constitute, chuse, and appoint you to bee Our Commissioners for 
the Ordering and manageing of the designe and vndertakeing aforesaid, 
according to the Instructions now given vnto you, or such others as you 
shall from time to time receive from vs on that behalfe. 

» Stowe MSS. 185, f. 83, ^ ^ 

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1 . You shall therefore vppon the Receipt of these Instruccions meete 
at some convenient place in the Cittie of London, and apply your selues 
to this worke. 

2. You shall informe your selues of the State of the Fleete intended 
as aforesaid for America, what provisions of all sorts are already made, 
both as to the nature and quality of them, as allsoe to the quantities 
and proporcion of them ; And what you shall find defective or short, 
you shall certifio your advice and oppinion therein vnto vs in writeing, 
and by what meanes the same may most conveniently be provided and 
with most expedicion. 

3. You shall take Consideracion of all things which may bee 
necessary for the carrying on this present designe, as well in Referrence 
to the land Army as the Sea Forces, and to certifie your advice as 
in the next precedent Article. 

4. You shall consider of two fitt persons to be sent away ymediately 
to the Barbadoes and the other Caribbee Islands, who may Communicate 
there with such persons as shalbe thought fitt concerning this designe, 
and make such preparacions there in Order therevnto against the Coming 
of the Fleete thither as shalbe necessary. And you shall consider of 
fitting instruccions to be given to the persons who shalbe sent as 

5. You shall consider what Forces and supplies will bee fitt to be 
sent after the present Fleete, and of the time of sending them, and in 
what manner. 

6. You shall generally consider of tho best and most probable meanes 
for the Carrying on and ymprouement of this vndertakeing. In Case 
it shall please God to give vs Success in the present expedicion, for the 
Honour, benefitt, and advantage of this Comon Wealth, as well in respect 
of trade as otherwise. 

7. You shall from time to time certifie to vs your oppinions and 
advice concerning these perticulers, and shall not comvnicate your 
advices or Counsells but by direccion from us. 

8. You have hereby power to send for any persons to be conferred 
with, or ymployed in this business, or for the Execution of your Orders, 
as Allsoe to appoint Clerkes and officers to attend you in this service. 
And to appoint them just allowances, which being certifyed to vs Care 
shall be taken for the payment of them. 

9. You shall take Care that the persons you ymploy, especyally 

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the Clerkes, be trusty persons, and such as you may have entire con- 
fidence in. 

10. Our will and pleasure is That you, or any Three of you, doe put 
in Execution these powers and Instruccions. 

Whitehall 18* 
AuguBt 1654. 

John Thubloe. 

[the commission of the commissioners for the west INDIAN 

expedition] ^ 

Oliuer, Lord Protector of the Comon Wealth of England, Scotland, 
and Ireland, and the Dominions thereto belonging. To our right trusty 
and welbeloved Generall Robert Venables and Generall William Penn, 
and to our Trustie and beloved Edward Winslowe Esqr., Daniell 
Searle Esqr. Governour of our Island of Barbadoes, Gregory Butler Esqr. 
Greeting, Wee haueing taken into our Serious Consideration the State 
and Condicion of the Englishe Plantations and Colonies in the Westerne 
parte of the World called America, and the Opportunity and meanes 
which God hath betrusted us and this Comon Wealth with, both for the 
secureing the interest wee already haue in those Countries, which nowe 
lye open and exposed to the will and power of the King of Spaine (whoe 
claimes the same by Coulour of a Donation of the Pope) at any time 
when hee shall have leisure to looke that way ; and also for getting 
Ground and gaineing vppon the Dominions and territories of the said 
Kinge there. 

Wherevnto Wee also hold our self Obliged in Justice to the People 
of these Nations for the Cruelties, Wrongs, and Injuries done and 
exercised vppon them by the Spaniards in those parts. Haueing a 
respect likewise in this our vndertaking to the Miserable Thraldome 
and Bondage, both Spirituall and Civill, which the natives and others in 
the Dominions of the said King in America are subiected to and lye 
vnder by meanes of the Popish and cruell Inquisition and otherwise, 
from which if it shall please God to make us instrumental! in any measure 
to deliver them, and vppon this occasion to make way for the bringing 
in the light of the Gospell and power of true Religion and Godlines into 
those parts, Wee shall esteeme it the best and most Glorious part of 
any Stfccesse or Acquisition it shall please God to blesse us with. 

' Add. MSS. 11410 f. 47. 

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And Wee haueing ypon these and other Consideracions raised and sett 
forth Land and Sea forces to send into the Parts aforesaid for th'ends 
and purposes before expressed, And Considering how necessarie it is 
that Persons of knowne prudence, Wisdome, and fidelitie, should be 
authorized and Comissionated by us for the better Ordering and 
mannaging so great affaires vppon all occasions, as things may emerge 
and fall out for the best Advantage of the State, and for the improve- 
ment of this whole designe ; And Reposeing trust and Confidence in 
the abilitie, Circumspection, and fidelitie, of you Generall William Penn, 
Generall Robert Venables, Edward Winslowe, Daniell Searle, Gregory 
Butler, Wee have made, constituted, and appointed, and by theis 
presents doe make, constitute, and appoint, you the said Generall Robert 
Venables, Generall William Penn, Edward Winslowe, Daniell Searle, 
Gregory Butler, to be our Commissioners for the ordering mannageing 
and Govemeing the Affaires aforesaid, accordinge to the Instructions 
herewith deliuered vnto you, and such others as you shall from time to 
time receive from Vs, And therefore we doe hereby Strictly charge and 
require you that you doe intend the said Service, and vse your vtmost 
dilligence and endeavours for the Carrying on and promoting the same, 
and observe, and keepe, and cause to be observed and kept, all and singu- 
ler the said Instructions, and such others as you shall hereafter from time 
to time receive from Vs, And we doe alsoe Streightlie charge and 
Comand all others whome it may concerne to bee ayding and assisting 
to you, and every of you, in the execution of the premisses, and to be 
obedient to your Comands therein as becomes, as they and every of 
them will answer the Contrarie at theire Perills. This Comission, 
power, and authoritie, to continewe in force vntill Wee shall otherwise 
order. In Witnes whereof wee haue caused these our Letters to bee made 
Patents. Witnesse ourself at Westminster the Nineth day of December, 
In the yeare of our Lord One thousand, Six hundred, Fifty and Fewer. 

This is a true copy. Will Aylesbury Secret, 

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Instructions vnto Generall Robert Venables giuen by his 
highnes by aduice of his councel vpon his expedition 
TO THE West Indies^ 

Whereas We have by our Commission constituted and appointed you 
Commander in Chief of the Land army and forces raised, and to be 
raised, as wel in England, as in the parts of America, for the ends and 
purposes expressed in the said Commission. 

1. You shal therefore, immediatly upon the receipt of these 
Instructions, repaire with the Forces aforesaid vnto Portsmouth, where 
we haue appointed the Fleete designed for the afore-said service vnder 
the Command of Generall William Penn, to take you with the said army 
and forces aboard them to transport you into the parts aforesaid. 

2. Whereas some additional Forces, as the seruice shal require, are 
to be raised in the Island of Barbadoes, and other the English Islands 
and Plantations, You shall vpon your arrival there, and vpon con- 
sideration had with the Commissioners appointed to attend this seruice, 
or any two of them (wherein also if you think fit you may admse with 
some of the most experienced men in those parts), concerning the pre- 
sent designe and the Nature thereof, vse your best endeauors by such 
wayes, and meanes as you with the aduise of the said Commissioners or 
any two of them, shal judge most conuenient and expeditious, to levy 
and raise such numbers of souldiers as shal be found necessary for the 
better carrying on of this designe, the said souldiers to be either taken 
with you vpon your first attempt, or to follow after, as shal be by the 
aduise aforesaid agreed and directed. And Wee haue thought fit to 
leaue vnto your discretion, by the aduice aforesaid, what numbers of men 
shal be raised, as also the manner and meanes of doing thereof, because 
you may not at that distance be tyed vp by any instructions which may 
not suite with, or be agreeable to such accidents as may happen and 
fall out vpon the Place, but may be at liberty to proceed vpon the 
Designe, either without any addition of Forces in the Islands and 
Plantations aforesaid, or with a les or greater addition, as you shal find 
the nature of the seiniice to require ; And you haue also Power and 

British Maseam, Add. MS. 11410, f. 41. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Authority from time to time by your warrant to cause such further 
supplyes of men to be leuyed in any the said Islands for the aforesaid 
seruice, as you with the aduise aforesaid shal find necessary. 

3. The designe in Greneral is to gain an Interest in that part of the 
West Indies in the possession of the Spaniard, For the effecting 
whereof We shal not tye you vp to a method by any particular 
Instructions, But only communicate to you what hath bin vnder our 
Consideration. Two or Three wayes haue bin thought of to that 

!•*. The first is to land vpon some of the Islands, and particularly 
Hispaniola, and St. John's Island, one or both ; the first of them hath 
no considerable place in the South part thereof but the City of S*^ 
Domingo, and that not being considerably fortifyed may probably be 
possest without much difficulty, which being don, and fortifyed, that 
whole Island wil be brought vnder obedience ; the cheif place of S*^ 
Johns Island is Porto Ricco. The gayning of these Islands, or either 
of them, wil as We conceiue amongst many others haue these 

1»^ Many English wil come thither from other parts, and soe those 
places become Magazins of men and prouisions for carrying on the 
Designe vpon the Mayne Land. 

2. They wil be sure retreates vpon al occasions. 

3. They lye much to the wind-ward of the rest of the K. of Spaines 
dominions, and being in the hand of the Spaniard will enable him to 
supply any part that is distressed on the mayne, and being in our hands 
will be of the same vse to vs. 

4. From thence you may possibly after your Landing there send 
force for the taking of the Hauana, which lyes in the Island of Cuba, 
which is the back dooreof the West Indies, and wil obstruct the passing 
of the Spaniards Plate Fleete into Europe, And the taking the Hauana 
is so considerable that We haue thoughts of beginning the first attempt 
vpon that Fort and the Island of Cuba, and do stil judge it worthy of 

2. Another way We have had consideration of is, for the present to 
wane the Islands, and to make the first attempt upon the mayne land, 
in one or more places between the Riuer Orinoque and Porto Bello, 
aymeing therein cheifly at Cartagena, which we would make the seate 
of the intended designe, secureing some places by the way thereto that 

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the Spaniard might not be to the wind-ward of vs vpon the raayne land 
wherein if you haue succes you will in al probability 

1'* Be master of the Spanyards Treasure which comes from Peru by 
the way of Panama in the South sea to Porto Bello or Nombre de Dios 
in the North sea. 

2. You wil haue houses ready built, a country ready planted, and 
most of the people Indians, who wil submit to you, there being but few 
Spanyards there as is informed. 

3. You wH be able to put the Country round about under Contribu- 
tion for the maintenance of the Army, and therewith by the Spoile 
and other wayes probably make a great present retume of profit to 
the Commonwealth. 

There is a third Consideration and that is mixt relating both to the 
Islands, and also to the mayne land, which is to make the first attempt 
vpon S^. Domingo, or Porto Rico, one or both, and haueing secured 
them to goe immediatly to Carthagena, leauing that which is to the 
Windward of it to a farther opportunity, after you haue secured and 
settled that City with what doth relate thereto, if God please to give 
that place into your hands. 

These are the things which haue bin in debate here, and haueing let 
you know them We leaue it to you, and the Commissioners aforesaid 
to be weighed vpon the place, that after due consideration had amongst 
yourselues, and with such others as you shal thinke fit to aduise with 
who haue a particular knowledge of those parts, to take such resolutions 
concerning the making of the attempts, and the mannageing, and 
carrying on this whole Designe, as to you and the said Commissioners, 
or any two of them, shal seeme most effectual, either by the wayes 
aforesayd, or such others as shal be judged more reasonable, And for 
the bet^r enabling you to execute such Resolutions as shal be taken 
in the piremisses. You are Hereby authorised and required to vse your 
best endeavors, Wherein Gen" Penn Commander in Cheif of the Fleete 
is by ws required to joyne with and assist you with the Fleete and sea 
forces ffis often . as there shal be occasion to land your men vpon the 
Territclries, Dominions, and Places belonging vnto, in the possession of 
or claylmed by the Spanyards in America, and to surprise their forts, 
take orl beate down their Castles and Places of strength, and to pursue, 
kil, an<l destroy by al meanes whatsoeuer al those who shal oppose or 
resist 7|ou there-in, and also to seize vpon al ships and vessels which 

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you find in any of their Harbors, and also vpon al such goods as you 
shal find vpon the land. 

4. Such Eesolutions as shal be taken by you and the other Com- 
missioners concerning the way and manner of making your first 
attempt, and what you do designe therevpon, You shal certifye vnto 
vs by an Expres, and as many other wayes as you can, To the end 
We may know whither to send to you vpon al occasions that may 
fall out. 

5. In case it shal please God to giue you succes, such places as you 
shal take and shal judge fit to be kept, You shal keep for the vse of 
Ys and this Commonwealth, and shal also cause such goods and Prizes as 
shal be taken to be deliuered into the hands of the said Commissioners, 
That so they may be brought to a just and true account for the 
publique advantage. 

6. You haue Hereby powre with the aduise of the said Commis- 
sioners, or any two of them, to place Garrisons in any such Places as 
shall be taken in, and to appoint fit Governors thereof, and to giue 
them Commissions vnder your hand and seale accordingly, And to 
slight the said Garrisons, and remove the said Gouemors, as you by 
aduise aforesaid shal thinke necessary and for our seruice. 

7. You haue hereby power and Authority by the aduise aforesaid to 
offer and giue reasonable Conditions to such persons as will submit to 
our gouemment, and willingly come vnder our Obedience, and also to 
treate and conclude for the surrendering of any Fort, Castle, or Place, 
into your hands, Hauing in all your transactions Care of preseruiug 
the Interest of this Commonwealth. And you are to vse your best 
endeauors, so far as it is practical, that no dangerous person be suffered 
to abyde long in any place possest by you, vnles they be in Custody ; 
And such as shal be taken Prisoners, You shal vse your best eif^deauors 
either by sending them into Europe, or otherwise as you shal fi^d most 
expedient, that they may not be againe seruiceable to the Eniemy in 
those parts. 

8. You shal haue powre by the aduise aforesaid to raise sucfc forces 
as shal be judged necessary in any of the parts which you shaAl gaine 
the possession of as aforesaid, and to appoint Commanders and OfBcers 
ouer them, and to arme, leade, Conduct, and dispose of them jior the 
purposes aforesaid. 

9. You shal giue vnto vs as Frequent accounts as may bje of al 

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proceedings, That soe you may receiue our farther directions there vpon 
as shal be necessary. 

10. Whereas all particulars cannot be foreseen, norpositiue Instruc- 
tions for such Emergencies so before hand giuen but that most things 
must be left to your prudent and discreet management as Occurrences 
may arise vpon the place, or from time to time fal out, You are there- 
fore ypon al such accidents relateing to your charge to vse your best 
circumspection. And by aduise eyther with the said Commissioners or 
your Councel of War as occasion may be, to Order and dispose of the 
Forces vnder your Command as may be most advantagious for the 
publique, and for obtaining the ends for which these Forces were raysed, 
making it your special care in discharge of that great trust comitted to 
you that the Commonwealth receiue no detriment. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 





HIS Excellency Generall Venables, taken at a Muster, 
March 21st, 1654 » 


£ regiment of 

* General VeTiables] 




Stafle Offlcere 

Generairs Company 




Lt. Coll. Dawley 2 . 




Maj. Mercer' 




Capt. Disney ^ 



„ Handcock ^ 




„ Butler 6 



„ Hinde . 




„ Parsons 




„ Cooke . 




„ Pawley ^ 




„ Paris 




Officers 120 ; Souldiers 912, besides 10 Staffe Officers [sic^ 

' From the MSS. of the Duke of Portland. See the Hist, M8S. Comm. Report 
on tJie Portland MSS* ii. 90. An earlier list, dated December 1654, is to be found 
in the Calendar of State Papers^ Colonial^ Addenda 1574-1674, p. 90. 

* Lieut. Col. Edward Doyley, made Colonel of another regiment about this date. 
' Francis Mercer, who became subsequently Lieut.-Col. of Doyley's regiment. 

* Henry Disney, died April 3, 1665. Thurloe, iii. 506. 

^ Thos. Hancock, killed April 26, 1655. Thurloe, iii. 506. 

* George Butler, killed on the same occasion as the last named officer, as was 
also Captain Obadiah Hinde. 

' Was this Captain Pawlet of the firelocks, mentioned on pp. 31, 131, 133 ? 

* This regiment apparently contained eleven companies, and the total of officers 
should be 132, not 120. The regiment of the General in the armies of the time 
frequently contained one or more extra companies. /^^ t 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



[Md^or-OenercU Heane^s regiment] 




Stttffe Offloen 

Major Generall[s company] 




Lt. Coll. Clarke » . 




1 Major Barry * . . . 




Capt Walter «... 




„ Tom^ . 




„ WiUett. 




„ Young* 




„ Smith .... 




„ Bamford« . 




„ Archbould ' . 




Officers 120 ; 1058 private souldiers [sic]^ besides 10 staff officers. 

* Clarke died at sea on May 9, 1655, of wounds receiyed on April 26. 
Memorials of Sir WilHam Penn, ii. 99, 100. The petition of bis widow, Amory, is 
in Cal S. P. Dom, 1655, p. 306. 

* Samuel Barry, subsequently Colonel of this regiment, who surviTed all the 
hardships of the first colonists, and became after the Bestoration a member of the 
Council of Jamaica and Governor of Surinam. 

* Possibly this was Adjutant-General Walters, killed on April 18. Thurloe, 
iii. 506. 

* Gregory Tom, a member of the Jamaica Assembly in 1665. 

* Bichard Young, who became later Adjutant-General of the army in Jamaica 
and died there. Cal. Colonial State Papers, 1574-1660, p. 454. 

* Bichard Bamford, subsequently Major, died in Jamaica. lb, pp. 454, 462. 

' Henry Archbold, became finally Lieut.-Col. of the regiment of Colonel Carter 
and was a member of the CouncU of Jamaica after the Bestoration. See also 
Thurloe, y. 102, 128, 139 ; tI. 235. 

* 1058 soldiers ? 

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[Colonel Fort€8cue*8 regiment] 


Souldiers | 

Staffe Offioers | 

Coll. Fortescue 





Lt. Coll. > . . . . 



— 1 

Major '-« 




Capt. Bartlett » . . . 




„ Leverington * 



„ White ^ 




„ Davis ^ . 




„ Wells 7 




„ Keene .... 




„ Edwards 




GflBcers 120 ; 1052 souldiers [<fic]^, besides 10 staffe officers. 

> Richard Holdip was originally Lieat.-Gol. of this regiment, bat at the end of 
March he became Colonel of the regiment raised at Bt. Christophers and in other 

'' William Hill, previously Major of Fortesone's, apparently succeeded Holdip 
as Lieut.-Col. See Clarke Papers, iii. 56. Hill died, seemingly, before arriving at 
Jamaica. See Cal State Papers, Col. 1574-1660, p. 454. 

* Henry Bartlett, became Lieut.-Col. of the regiment and died in Jamaica. 16. 
p. 455. 

* Samuel Leverington, died of his wounds in April 1655. See p. 32. 

^ Thomas White, subsequently Major. He was probably the author of the narra- 
tive printed in Clarke Papers, iii. 54. See Cal, Staie Papers, Dom, 1655-^, p. 61. 

" Bartholomew Davis, died in Jamaica. Cal. State Papers, Col p. 454. 

' Bichard Wells, became Major and commanded this regiment from Sept. 1656. 
He died about January 1657. 

» 1064 soldiers? 

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[Colonel Anthony Buller^a regiment] 




Stafle Officers 

Coll. BuUer .... 




Lt. Coll. Barrington * 




Major Bland ^ 




[Capt] Barnard ^ . 




„ Minne 




„ Poulton 




„ Throgmorton ^ . 




„ Bingham . 




„ Cooper* 




„ Corbet « 




Officers 120 ; 916 priv[ate] sould[icrs] besides 10 staffe officers. 

' Francis Barrington, once of Henry Cromwell*s regiment of horse in the Irish 
Army ; author of an excellent account of the Jamaica expedition printed in 7th 
Beport nut. MS 8. Comm, pp. 571-5. Letters of his are also printed in the 
Thurloe State Papers, iii. 646 ; vi. 376, 390, 512. He was accidentally shot about 
January 1660. Col, State Papers, Col. Addenda, 1574-1674, p. 132. 

* Michael Bland, Captain in Col. Phayre's regiment in Ireland in 1649, became 
Lieut.-Col. of Col. Holdip's regiment, and seems to have died in Jamaica. 

' Edward or Adam Baynard ? He died in Jamaica. Cal. State Papers, Col. 
1574-1660. p. 454. 

* Subsequently Major ; executed for mutiny about 1656. See Thurloe, v. 152 ; 
Cal State Papers, Col Addenda, p. 124. 

^ Christopher Cooper, died in Jamaica. Cal. State Papers, Col. 1574-1660, 
p. 436. 

" Vincent Corbet, became Major of the regiment and died in Jamaica. lb. p. 454. 

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[Colonel Andrew Carter* 8 regiment] 

Coll. Carter . 
Lt Coll. Bushell ' 
Major Forgeson "^ 
Capt. Holford^ 
Blunt . 
How 5 . 
Fincher ^ 


Souldiors Staife Offioen 












; ^^ 




















Officers 120 ; 834 private souldiers, besides 10 staffe officers. 

' Died in 1665. Cal, State Papers, Col, p. 454. 

'* John Ferguson, killed April 26, 1655. Tharloe, iii. 506, 510. He appears to 
have been transferred to the regiment of General Venables after this muster took 

* Nicholas Halford, one of the few officers who survived. Cai. State Papers^ 
Col. 1661-8, p. 117. 

* Nathaniel Bowers, died before 1657. Cal. State Papers^ Dom. 1656-7, p. 134. 

* See pp. 40-46, ante, 

* Died in Jamaica. See Cal. State Papers, Col. p. 454. 

^ Abraham Fincher, died in Jamaica about August 1656. 

^ Filkins. Possibly the Lieut. John Filkins of Sir Hardress Waller^s regiment 
in 1647. Clarke Papers, i. 32. He became Major of this regiment about October 
1655. Mercurius Politicus, p. 5947. 

Digitized by 




[Colonel Edward Doyley^a regiment] 




Staffe oncers 

Coll. Moriis, but now 
Dawley ^ 





Lt. Coll.* 




Maj. Read ^ . 




Capt. Tho. ThoFDhill 




„ Noell . 




„ Smith . 




„ Stevens ^ 




„ Vavaster 




„ Thoraehill'^ . 




„ Downes 




Officers 120 ; souldiers 830, besides 10 [sic] staffe officers. 

' This was the Barbadoes regiment, and Col. Lewis Morris, a planter there who 
had helped to raise it, finally declined to go on the expedition unless his debts 
were paid. Thurloe, iii. 250. Venables consequently gave its command to Edward 
Doyley, his own Lieutenant-Colonel. 

^ Major Francis Mercer, from the GeneraPs regiment, seems to have been 
appointed Lieut. -Colonel. 

' John Beade, died about April 1656. 

* Richard Stevens, subsequently Major. See Mercurius PolitictiSt December 
1657, p. 152, and April 1658, p. 448. 

* On January 20, 1656, George Smithsby was appointed Captain of the company 
late Capt. Augustine Thornhill's. 

Digitized by 




[Total of the six regiments] 

Officers 720 

Private soukliers .... 5702 ^ 
StaflTe Officers .... 60 


[Miscellaneous Forces'] 

Scoutmaster G^enerall's Company ^ 


Traine of Artillery 3 


Capt. Johnson, Officers 1 2 * 


Capt Carpenter 10' . 


Ref ormados 2 ^ . 


Capt. Haines and part of Capt 

JonesTroope^ . 


besides 12 

Officers 36, souldiers 455 
[Grand total 6482, 455, 36 = 6973.] 

I There is some mistake iu the figures. The total of the private soldiers in the 
dififerent regiments, taking the numbers given, only amounts to 5602. 

' Isaac Berkenhead was Scoutmaster-general. See Thnrloe, iii. 157, 523. 
' Captain Hughes commanded the artillery. See p. 82, and Thurloe, iii. 507. 

* This is evidently a foot company, possibly firelocks attached to the train. 

* Philip Carpenter. See p. 31 and Thurloe, vi. 691. This was a troop of horse 
raised in Barbadoes. See Thurloe, iii. 825. 

* Capt. Jennings of the Heformados was killed on April 18, and on the 26th the 
Beformados were out to pieces, only seventeen escaping. Thurloe, iii. 506. 

' Captain Haines, or rather Captain Heane, son of the Major-General, com- 
manded a troop of horse raised at Barbadoes. Captain Jones commanded the troop 
raised in England, but he himself and most of them had been driven back by a 

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Additional Documents from the Papers of General Vexables 

[These are derived from the Venables MSS. in the possession of 
Mr. Lee Townshend, copied by Dr. Grardiner.] 


Jamayca — Cotmcell of Warre held at St Jago della Vega the 
16 of June, 


The Generall Coll. Carter 

Major Generall Fortescue Coll. Holdipp 

Coll. Doylye Adjutant Gen" Berkenhead 

Q*^ Master Gen. Ruding Lt. Coll. Barrington 

Lt. Coll. Bartlett Lt. Coll. Bland. 


1. That Commissary Generall Clearke bee appointed C[ommiflsion]er 
of all prizes taken by the army, and that his acquittance be sufficient 
for any person that shall bring in any prizes, and his discharge to any 
one that shall bye them ; and that for the present hee shall have 
a gratuity for soe doeing : and if afterwards it shall amount to any 
considerable vallue hee shall then bee allowed a sallary. 

2. That the Judge Advocate bee appointed cheque. 

3. That a letter be written to Generall Penn that the Strong Row- 
land and the sugar in it, being 50,000 lbs, bee reserved for the use of 
the army. 

4. That the Field Officers keepe their howse in the town, and two 
howses besides (so that there is 5 for every regiment). 

5. That Major White ^ have a firlogh for 9 months, in which tyme if 
hee retume not, hee b to lose the benefitt of his imployment or place. 

' Thomas White, Major of Fortescne's regiment. See p. 118. 

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Instructi[(m8]for Coll, Blandy June 1, 1665. 

1. You are to march with the Horse and Foote under your 
commande in this party unto the river Minoa, and to quarter in 
the Estantias about the hill, as neare together as with convenience 
you can. 

' 2. You are to preserve all the plantations with those at Yana [t] 
from the enemy, that they receive no releife from thence, and alsoe to 
ta^e care that your owne men doe not mine or spoyle them, nor shoote 
any cattle, and also that they be not permitted to digg up any cassavy, 
but by order, and that they doe not spoyle any sugar cane or worke or 
fruit trees. 

3. You are to secure in stores, and send^to this towne according to 
further orders, all the . . . sugar . . . hides, salt, bedsteads, graine, 
and provision, copper [1] cauldrons, howsehold stuff of all sorts, and all 
materialls for planting. 

4. You are to take up all horses, carts, draughts, for*raiseing horse 
and dragoons for the army, and send them to this place. 

6. You are to hinder the soldiers from killing any tame cattle, save 
in case of necessitye, and that by order, and to that end you are to 
appoint a commissary, that so equall distribution may bee made of 
what is killed. 

6. You are to block up the enemy in the hills, woods, and moun- 
taines, and if advantage bee offered, by the advice of a councell of warre 
to pursue the armie or the enemy, or to doe or act any thing or things 
for the reduceing the enemy and promoteing his Highness' [interest]. 

7. Whatsoever pillage or booty you shall gaine from the enemy 
you are to bring into publique accompt, and deliver over the same to a 
commissary, or some one that is faithfull and trusty, that it may be 
divided equally for the generall good. 

8. You are to leave 160 men at Don Duarte Acosta his estantia. 

9. You are to send to the headquarters in this place constant 
[information] from [tyme] to tyme of all occurr[ences].* 

' filand executed his orders very badly. See Barrington's letter in 7th Rep, 
Hist, MS8, Com. p. 674. 

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Commissions delivered to severall officers att llispaniola and Jamayca, 

Novemb' 1654 Mr. Thomas Gage, chaplaine to the GeneralFs Regi- 
March 1655. 

14[?] John Daniell, Auditor Generall 
26 John Reade, Major to Coll. Doylye 
31 William Smith, Captaine | Coll. 

31 Henry Debben, Lieut, to the said Y Fortescue's 
Capt. Smith ) Regiment 

April 10 Richard Fortescue, Major Generall 

15 Richard Bamford, Major to the R[egimentJ lat« M[ajor] 


16 Isaac Berkenhead, Adjute Generall • 
25 James Butler, Adjutant Generall 

25 Robert Smith, Major 
25 Wm. Wingbell, Capt. 

25 Henery Skep worth, Ens to Major Smith ' G[enerars] 
25 Ralph Swinerton, Leut. 
25 Edward Sackwell, Capt. 
2 Ralph Betts, Capt. 

28 Thomas Smith, Ensigiie [to] Capt. Bing[ham] ' 
30 Vincent Corbet, Major 
30 John Barrow, Ensigne 
30 John Vaughan, Chaplaine 

30 Michael Bland, Lieut. Coll. ) Coll. Hold[ip's] 

30 James Bland, Ensigne to his father ) Regiment 
14 Stephen Rosse, Capt. ) M[ajor] Generall's 

29 John Hamilton, Capt. ) Regiment 
May 1655. 

10 Thomas Heane, Coll. in Coll. . . . 

' Regiment 




' Sooatmaster General ' this should be. 

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20 lor 10 


Hen. Goddard, Ensigne 

Lieut CoL Ward 

John Ballard, Lieut to him 

Thomas Elendere [?], Ens. to Capt. Bets 

Abram Peg, Capt. 

Henry Ferrobosco, Lt. to Capt. Bets 

Hen. Potter, Capt. Lieut 

Robert Minshin, Ensign to the G[eneral] , 


Coll. B[uller] 



Thomas Allen, Capt. Lt. to 

Sam Greene, Ensigne to 

Capt. Sprye 

1 John Fisher, Lt. to Capt. Hyde ' 

Robert Stephens, Ens to I Coll. 

Capt. Downes [ Doyly 

Hum. Groves, Lieut, to the said Capt. 

James Berry, Capt. Lt. to i 

James Holdip, Ensigne to Capt. ) Coll. 

Clapthome f Holdipp. 

Hen. Bartlett, Lieut. Coll. ] -^ 
Thomas White, Major ^^^^ ^^^ 

Ralph Hardwick, Lt. to Capt ) ^ ^ 

David Dugla, Ens. to Capt D] 
James Ruddiard, Lt. to Capt; 
Wm. Hall, Ensigne to the said Capt. Ro^l ] Major 
Thomas Hill, Captaine Generalls 

Ben. Gordward, Lt. to the sd. Capt. J Regiment 

Thomas Freeman, Ensigne ^ 
Matthew Paine, Lt. to Capt Fry 
Antho. How, Ens. to Capt Corbett 
Hen. Midleton, Lt. to Major Corbett 
George Audlye, Capt., Coll. Clerks Regiment^ 
Richard Holdipp, Coll to the Regiment late Major Generall 


' These commissions should probably all be dated May 10, and Hyde is probably 
a mistake for Sprye. 

* Uncertain whether belonging to the Major General's regiment or the next. 

* Col. Clarke who succeeded Heane died M(*y 9. 

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Letters concerning the English Expedition into the 
Spanish West Indies in 1655 * 

On Saturday the H*** of Aprill 1655, wee landed on the Hand 
Hispaniola about 7500 men, at Punto de Nizao, about 7 leagues west- 
ward from St. Domingo. The regiments were these of the General, 
Major General Heane, CoUonel Fortescue, Collonel Cart[er], Collonell 
D'Oilie, Collonel Goodson (the sea regiment), and halph of Colonel 
Holdhip's regiment. There were alsoe a company of Reformados, two 
troops of horse, and the Scout Master General's foot troopers, and 
Captain Pawlets fire locks. These were landed very well, and without 
opposition of the enemie, in a good sandy bay, being all victualled for 3 
dayes, besides that of landing. 

About 4 of the clock in the aftemoone we began our march, though 
without guide, the Reformados leading the van, in manner of a forlome, 
the Scout master General's foot troopers in the reare of them, and 
Captain Pawlet's firelocks on both wings in the woods to discover 
ambuscados, and Collonel D'Oilie's regiment was in the van of the 
armie with the Generall in person. Thus wee marched some 3 or 4 
miles to a large sevanna or plaine, where wee discovered some few of the 
enemie's horse, that did indeavour to hem in a file of Reformados that 
went before to alarme the body, but upon sight of the body they fled. 
It being by this time night, the army drew up on the said sevanna or 
plaine, and quartered there all night. About 10 of the clock this night 
came to us part of the horse, and part of Collonel D'Oilie's I'egiment 
that were not landed when we marched. Wee had heere the benefit of 
a river adjoyning, running levell, as all the rest wee saw on that 
Hand did; on this sevanna there was only a cowkiller's house, (which is 
a great profession in their Hand by reason of the innumerablenesse of 
wilde cattle, which they kill for their hydes and tallow sake only, 
leaving the flesh to be devoured,) which the souldiers burnt. 
> BawUnson MS. D. 1208, f. 62, Bodleian Library. 

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The next day being the Sabbath day and the 15"* of Aprill, after 
prayer early in the morning wee began our march : the forenoone wee 
marched through severall faire sevannas, one of them being 8 miles 
round by guesse, where wee observed that the enimie had burnt up 
the grasse to drive the cattle from the sevannas that were in the 
armie's march, ere noon severall of our men dropt downe dead for want 
of water, about noon we came to a river neare dried up, where wee 
refresht and marcht downe by the sea side about a mile, where the 
Major Generall discovered the enemie at a fire. Our scouts made up 
and chaced them into the woods, where the enemie lying hid at the 
said scouts returning killed one of them, vizt. Capt. Allen, one of the 
GeneralVs kinsmen, another we lost, being a trooper and his horse, 
hearing noe more of him ; after this rested one houre having marched 
10 miles ; after which without resting wee marched through a lane 
arched about with orange trees, exceeding smooth, and soe shadowed 
that the sun could not shine in upon us. Heere our souldiers refresht 
themselves with oranges. This lane lasted 7 miles, being soe broad 
that 6 men could march a brest ; at the end of which the enemie 
ambuscadoed, expecting straglers, and fired upon a file that were a lost 
forlome (used onely for to alarme the army), but did noe execution ; 
whereupon the whole army chased them, running about a mile, and 
killed one upon the place ; the enemie wee supposed to be 16 (this 
was a gigantike man as they generally were, and by his habit t one of 
them that killed 2 of our 3 scouts) ; at the end of which chace wee 
came up to a plantation and the channel of a river, where wee found 
water standing in severall holes, it having beene a very dry time in 
the country of late, and the rainy monthes at hand ; the rear of the 
army quartered in the said plantation ; the van stretched a mile 
and a halfe farther into a high way, through which wee marched, and 
there lay that night in greate scarcity of water, with sad and weary 
limbs having in all marched that day 18 miles. 

Munday the 16^** wee began to march about 6 of the clock in the 
morninge, where, with a forlome. Coll. Fortescue's regiment had the 
van ; we had not marched above a quarter of a mile, ere we came to a 
sugar mill, which was in a village having severall houses. This planta- 
tion yeilded good water, brave hoggs, and fruits, which place was 
perhaps through the tyrednesse of the scout not discovered over night, 
whereby our quarters mought have been mended. Heer was alsoe a 

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chappell furnished with good store of popish trumperie, which wee 
wasted. Wee found all their goods carried away, except a great 
quantity of good sugar the army tooke with them to drinke with their 
water and oranges, and to eate with their bread, as alsoe about a ship 
loading of cow hydes dry'd, which were not embesled. Heere was 
alsoe found soe greate and strong an iron chest that it could neither 
be removed nor broken open by such of the souldiery as attempted it ; 
which our Generall not knowing of till wee were marched two miles 
thence, was much troubled thereat, whereby to have opened it by some 
more forcible meanes. At this place wee tooke a prisoner, but could get 
him to confesse nothing, not soe much as his name ; him wee tooke 
along with us and used civilly. About halfe a mile farther wee came 
to a faire large river of good water, where the army dranke, and about 
halfe a mile another. A mile farther wee came to a sevanna about 2 
miles long, at the side whereof were some houses, and a sugar planta- 
tion, one of them was a faire house where we found sugar and cotton, 
horse, hoggs, and fowle. It being about ten of the clocke wee rested 
till a little after noone, and advancing wee found a large lake of good 
water, and therein good store of wilde fowle, as duck and mallard <tc. 
And marching through woods and small sevannos about 4 miles, where 
being some small plantations by the way, our horse in some of them 
were furnished with Indian wheat. After which we came to a river 
called Hinum distant 3 leagues from St. Domingo, where wee stayed 
one houre, and discrying over the said river a man, the Generall sent 
over one of the forlorne swimming to discover him, who found him to 
be one of Coll. Holdhip's men that was left behind sicke ; this man 
told us of the landing of Coll. Buller's and halfe of Coll. Holiihipp's 
regiment at that place, being a sandy bay where the army afterwards 
lay ; heere the enemie had fortified a passe, neare a small old fort with 
breast workes of bush and sand that lay at the most convenient landing 
place, heertofore the place where Sir Francis Drake landed when he 
tooke St. Domingo. However up)on sight of Coll. Buller's forces, being 
1500, the enemie quitted the place, and consequently such an advantage 
as that 100 good souldiers might have beaten back an armie. This 
river before mentioned the army did desire to foard, and had but for 
want of sufficient tryal, through defect whereof wee marched 4 miles 
that night exterordinary, and by our forlomes often loosing their way 
a mile more wide the river. At the end whereof wee came to a sevano 


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of long grasse, where wee quartered that night without any kind of 
refreshment, water or other, save a very few oranges, and our victualls 
which wee brought with us out of the shipps were now spent ; this 
dayes march wee supposed to be 12 English miles. This night the 
Generall, sending the horse to looke for water, discovered a foarding 
place over the river, and then sent downe a commanded party of 1800 
men to make good the place. In the night an out centry kill'd a 
Spaniard refusing to stand. 

Tuesday, the 17 of Aprill wee began our march about 4 of the 
clock in the mominge, and ere sun risinge wee with joy enough foarded 
the river whereby to drinke, and then came to certaine coca trees, of 
which fruite they make theire chocolate. After which we marched 
through small sevannos and woods, where wee found an Irishman who 
gave us false intelligence, though we compeld him with us, which after- 
wards cost him his life ; a mile farther another sevanno, where we rested 
an houre, neer which the souldiery caught severall sheepe and goates. 
Whilst wee were thus resting, some stragglers of ours found certaine 
baggage horses of the enemies, which they tooke, and discovered alsoe a 
number of houses, which was a sugar worke where there was sugar 
onely remaining, the other goods were conveighed away ; theere was 
alsoe a chappell (as by every sugar worke there was found to bee), as 
alsoe a prison and stocks. The soldiers brought forth a large statue of 
the Virgin Mary, well accoutered, and palted her to death with oranges. 
Heere alsoe they found a black Virgin Mary to enveigle the blackes to 
worship. At this plantation the armie rested one houre, where we 
found an old Spaniard that would give us noe materiall intelligence ; 
heere there came in a negro to us, who had civill entertainment and 
the Generall's protection ; he gave us hopes of more negroes comming 
in, which succeeded not. There came in alsoe a negroe who had 
formerly served Sir Thomas Warner, Govemour of the Hand St. 
Christophers, and was taken [and] enslaved by the Spaniards ; he spake 
good English and Spanish, and proved very true, and killed 2 of the 
Spaniards charging with us, he obtained his freedome. Thence wee 
marched to the towne led by our Irish guide in a fair broad road, the 
ground being hard the reflective heat forced severall haltes, though 
against the will of the Commanders. About 4 of the clock Coll. BuUer's 
forces fell in with us, soe we came together into a very large road where 
20 men might march a brest, and was very neare a white fort of about 

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9 gonns neare the sea side, which alsoe stood neere that road. The 
General! with the engineer and some few more going in a carelesse 
manner before the forlome to view the fort, the engineer doubting 
an ambuscadoe, discovering one of the enemie lying flat on the ground 
the centinell fired upon him, whereupon they immediately broke out 
upon our forlomes, and routed them totally, and killed about 20 upon 
the place, whereof were Capt. Catts of the sea regiment that com- 
manded the forlome, Adjutant Generall Captain Thomas Walters, 
Capt. Cox one of our pilots, Mr. Temple the Generall's owne secretary, 
and Mr. Murford the Commisary assistant secretary, with severall 
other brave fellowes. Upon the retreat of the forlome Capt. Pawlet's 
firelocks that were in their reare shamefully rann, and beate the 
Keformados into disorder, which they soone recovered, and faced the 
enemie a great while, (who were drawing into order ere either side 
fired) to let the fainting army draw up in the reare, and Coll. Murfy an 
Irishman on horseback, being in the head of the Spaniards, waved a 
handkercheife, whether by way of bravado or what, is not knowne ; as 
soon as the enemie were in order, he brandished a broad fauchion, upon 
[which] the enemie fired 2 vollies on the Reformados without [their] 
returning an answer, our armie [then being] not fully in order in the 
rear, but their third was soe answered that they ran from the hearing 
of it, bearing away theire dead and wounded ; they did little mischeife 
with their shott, save that they killed Capt. Jennings, captain of the 
Reformados, and one Reformado. Assoon as they fled they did play 
upon us with their cannon out of the fort, within pistoll shot of us on 
the right hand, though to small purpose ; the fort was before undis- 
covered by meanes of some young wood about 16 foot high between us 
and it. . 

The sea regiment that had the van chaced the enemie a mile to a 
great sevanno before the towne, and there stood : meane while some 
cannon from the citty waUs fired at them in 2 places. In their chace 
the Generall came out of the wood to them, where he had layen hidd 
beyond the enemies ambuscadoes. There was about midway from the 
fort to the sevanno a small waU fort, out of which [the] enemie ran, 
ere wee came neare them ; most part of the army passed the fort that 
played on us where we rested our fainting army ; the great guns from 
the said fort gawling us much. Thus wee lay without water, ready to 
perish, and of hunger and want of sleep, till about midnight wee drew 

K 2 

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of, [and] inarched towards the great sugar worke where we rested the 
day before. In this march our men fainted excessively, the General! 
himselfe being not a little put to it. About 6 or 7 of the clock in the 
mominge we reached this sugar worke, where with sugar and oranges 
and sleep wee made good refreshment. After noon wee marched downe 
2 miles to the sea side where Coll. BuUer landed, and there lay. Heere 
wee were in some kind of quiet, having the River Hinnum for our 
refreshment, and victuall at halfe allowance from the shipping that 
attended heer. While the Generall, Viceadmirall, and severall other 
shipps, road and crossed before the towne, which were shot at frequently 
by the Castle and other forts, and answered by our shipps into the 
houses of the towne. It being resolved wee should confront the towne 
to encourage the armie, but God be blessed wee lost not one man from 
our shipps, although we rode within a mile or so of the towne and 
forts, nor receved but few shots, the enemie being none of the best 

On Fryday the 20 of Aprill the enemie came to us to our very 
guards with a considerable partie ; they killed severall of our straglers 
as they came, and then set upon the van of the guarde somewhat rashly 
in a very narrow way, but were soone put to the runn, leaving their 
captaine, a gallant brave fellow, and 6 or 7 more behinde them dead ; 
wee lost but one of ours in the charge. In the pockets of these were 
found the Pope's Bulls, an Agnus Dei, and some reliques in the Captain's 
purse, else nought. 

Saturday, Sunday, and Munday we lay still. 

On Tuesday the 24 of April wee begann our march againe towards 
the towne, with a mortar peice, 2 small feild peices, and other carriages 
drawne by men, in that hott and little water'd country, and 6 dayes 
provision at halfe allowance, wee reached that night but 2 miles, and 
soe lay without water. 

Wednesday the 25 we began our march againe, intending to passe 
the fort neer the towne as before, as alsoe the sevanno befor the towne 
where the shipping lay readie to land water for us under their cannon 
and the enemie's alsoe. About 4 of the clock, sufficiently faint and 
almost choaked of thirst, wee came neare the fort, where wee were put 
in order by the Majour Generall. The forlome of 240 was commanded 
by Adjutant Generall Jackson and Capt. Butler of the Generall's 
regiment. Next to them the Reformados and Capt, Pawlet's firelocks 

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in their rear, then followed Capt. Carpenter's horse with the Major 
Generall Hean in the head of them, the Generall's regiment had the 
van of the armie, thus wee marched after wee came into the broad 
lane neere the fort, in a good full body, shoulder to shoulder and to 
swords point. When we came neere the fort wee saw that the enemie 
had cleered away all that young wood from before the fort, which 
before did shrowd it, soe that now the lane lay open to the fort. 
Afisoone as wee came within convenient distance they let flie 7 guns 
with case and round shot upon us, neverthelesse all that were before 
the horse pass't the fort soe farr that they were beyond the open 
ground, and there fell into an ambuscado of the enemie. Ours fired 
indiscreetly upon them in a volley, upon which the enemie taking that 
advantage, and following soe close and in good order upon the forlome, 
that they were forced to a disorderly retreat, passing by the Reformados. 
Heereupon Capt. Pawlet's firelocks that were in their rear, ere they saw 
the enemie ran, together with the forlome, and left the small spot of 
Reformados standing, which were soone borne downe, there being left 
of 55 that charged that day about 18. The enemie together with those 
that fled disorderly routed the horse that came up to charge, and all 
the van of the armie, soe that enemie with theire lances killed untill 
they were weary of killing, falling cheifly among the bravest of our 
men. The enemie carried of with them 8 colours, vizt. the Reformados', 
the firelock volunteers', 5 of the Generall's, and 1 of the Major Generall's. 
The persons of note that fell by this small partie of the enemie (which 
were not conceived to be above 80 at the most), were, first Majour 
Generall Hean, who charged with the horse, and afterwards in the 
middest of the rout quitted his horse, and went on alone on foot, 
being very ill armed, where ho stood till he was killed by the enemie ; 
his Lieutenant Collouel died shortly after of his wounds. The Generall 
lost his Major, and three Captaines, the bravest of his regiment. 
Captain Pawlet was kilVd flying ; very many more ofl&cers and other 
stout men were there shamfuUy killed. After all this slaughter the 
enemie was beaten back by 4 files of well disciplined men of the 
Generall's, but were first wearied with killing. Upon this wee regained 
our ground, and planted our mortar peice neere the fort, notwithstand- 
ing the great mischeife the enemie did us with their great guns, who 
scarce shot a shott in vaine. By morning wee had brought our morter 
peice ready to play, when the Generall being forced by the faintnesse 

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of the army sent an order for the drawing of the morter peice with all 
silence, who was once in mind to have left it behind, doubting whether 
the souldiers were able to bring it off ; wee buried the shells in the 
place, and a little way thence fired the carriages, and soe wee stole 
away. The enemie pursued us not. The whole armie except the rear 
guard marched away in all manner of disorder, hasting to get water, 
which they found not untill they came to the bay where they lay, and 
there dranke to excesse, and soe having noe other nourishment, because 
they generally lost their victualls as well as their armes, shovells, 
pickaxes, and hatchets in the rout, they suddenly fell into the flux. 
About 1500 of the stragglers thus drinking, there came downe to them 
2 of our owne negroes to drink likewise, which some of them spying 
cried * the enemy,' upon which all imediatly threw away their armes, 
and ran for it, some for feare leapt into the river, whereof 3 were 
drowned, soe much were we cow'd and daunted. About night the rear 
came up, though with much adoe, they did soe faint for want of water, 
and incamped in our old ground in the raine for want of our tents ; for 
wee found by sad experience that it rained little or much everie night, 
which raine, the cold therewith, and our want of victuals, did much 
increase the flux amongst us, and weakned our hartlesse armia Heere 
at a councell of warr Adjutant Generall Jackson was tried for cowardize, 
[who] being ordered to lead up the vann of the forlome, followed in the 
reare, where he was cashiered, and had afterwards his sword broken over 
his head, and in irons sent aboard on hospitall shipp till farther order. 
Wee sent out parties frequently to fetch in victualls, but for want of 
our men's fighting many of them were cut of : and once our men sur- 
rounding some cattle, fired at them, and kill'd one another, soe that 16 
fell in one day after this heedlesse manner : 10 of the enemie would 
usually cause 100 of ours to flie, and leave their officers to be killd, 
soe great a feare and terrour did God strike into the hearts of our 
men. Which the commanders and feild officers perceiving, it was at a 
councell resolved to attempt St. Domingo noe more, but retire to 
Jamaica, whereby the sick and faint armie might rest a little and 
recruite aboard, and not lye in the raine, it being of it selfe enough to 
wash away an armie. Upon this wee got our men aboard in 2 dayes, 
in a most sad and lamentable condition, having never seen men soe 
altered in soe small a time. The enemie during the shipping of our 
men, never disturbed them in the least, but as the saying is, made them 

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a golden bridge ( [out] of question) to be gone. The shipping having 
noe provision for the horse, though they cost some thousands in England 
and the Barbadoes, especially there being some single horses of 100*^ 
sterling each, were with such as were to be ^ on the Hand shot and 
killed, some of which were taken and eaten by the souldiers as a greate 

This done, Fryday the 4*^ of May the ships weighed from before 
the towne, and we set saile, having lost of our armie about 1000 men, 
and 2 or 3000 armes in 20 dayes. And the armie having scarce 
2000 healthfull men amongst them to doe service. The losse which the 
enemie susteined wee conceive not to have been above 40 men in all. 

For the country of Hispaniola, our knowingst men doe conclude it 
as fruitf ull and pleasant, as is express't by severall authors, who doe set 
it out as deserving the greatest accomodations ^ of any Hand in these 
Indies if not the whole world. The mould of the earth is of a hazell 
colour, the grasse in many of the sevannos high, though in this dry 
season, and that not broad leaved and ranke as in the Barbadoes, but 
small and sweet like unto the English grasse. It abounds with cattle, as 
beeves and hoggs, tame and wild, soe that you cannot goe many stepps 
from the sight of some of them ; there are alsoe sheep, and goates, and 
delicate fowle for food or pleasure, parrats and parrakitos good store. 
The place is not much stored with people as heeretofore, by reason of 
other plantations since inhabited where silver and gold is found, this 
Hand being at present not inquired into for either of them. Their 
maine trade is hides, sugars, tobaccos, and coccolate &c, which they 
exchange for wine and apparell from Spaine, the rest they want not 
greatly. To this may bee added the greate healthf ulnesse of the place, 
and temperatnesse of the aire especially in the nights. 

The towne of St. Domingo is scituate on a plaine, next the sea side, 
in a bay to the westward of a river running by the eastward part thereof, 
a most safe and convenient harbour for shipping not drawing above 16 
feet water. The towne is walled to the westward, hath the river to the 
eastward, the sea to the southward : but to the northward it hath onely 
a lime hedge growing thick about it, but since our men being there we 
doubt not but the enemie hath perfected his line and breastworke of 
earth, which he was throwing up all the time we delayed comming before 
the towne. They shot upon us in the shipps, and by land on our men 
* Buoh as were taken ? * commendations? 

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in 6 several! places, castles, forts, and the towne walls ; what other 
places whence they might plant their cannon they had, wee know not, 
onely wee beleeve they had 100 peice of ordnance on carriag to annoy 
us if occasion were, as by them that came to us. "Wee could espye 
about 11 or 12 churches and religious houses, which seemed to be stately 
stone and bricke buildings, these shadowing the other northern build- 
ings of the towne, which wee compute to be four square and 2 miles 
about at least. Every night wee had a most delicious scent from of the 
shoare 1^^ the land wind as could possibly be smelt of the fruits, blos- 
somes, "«,nd herbs of the towne, there being many gardens joyning to 
the houses. They cannot make above 1700 men in armes in St. 
Domingo, but by reason of the advantage we gave them, and the 
governors sending for supplies out of the other small townes, there were 
thought to be thrice that number. Sir Francis Drake tooke it. Anno 
Domini 1586, with 1000 men the same day he landed, kept it a month, 
and sold it for about 7000^* sterling, because for want of men he could 
not inhabit it. God was not pleased to deliver it up unto us though with 
9500, and 80 saile of great shipps and small vessels, soe that never were 
men more disapoynted then some of us, nor did the hearts of English 
men faile them more then in this attempt. There was nothing to be 
atributed to the valour of the Spaniard towards his owne preservation 
in all this, for he was very ready to fly when we ran not, but onely to 
God, who respited the enemie, because perhaps he found the reformers 
worse then the unreformed themselves ; and surely a more ungodly army 
of professed protestants this wicked world cannot afford (and 'twere 
pitty it should), which I conceive to be the inward cause of our mis- 
fortune and disgrace. 

On Saturday the 5 of May the fleet stood away for the Hand of 
Jamaica. On Tuesday wee saw the Hand of Navasa like a small bowling 
greene, when Commissary Winslow died, and was thrown overboard ; 
the Generall, Vice Admirall, and Rere Admirall shott severall guns at 
his funerall. 

On Wednesday morning, being the 9**** of May, wee saw Jamaica 
Hand, very high land afarr off. 

Thursday the 10^*^ our souldiers in number 7000 (the sea regiment 
being none of them) landed at the 3 forts, or rather breast workes, 
about the point, [in] which there were 8 peece of ordnance yet had btit 
3 mounted, which played at us making about 20 shott ; there were of the 

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enemie about 300 men likewise to resist us with small shott, but all 
missed our men, who seing them desperately bent to land, leaping up 
to the middle in water, they abandoned the forts ; the Martin gaily 
playing apace upon the Spaniard under whose gunns wee landed. 

These 3 forts, or rather breast workes, were very strong and cannon 
proof e ; from these forts our men marched through a sevanno to the high, 
way in a wood leading to the towne, where about half a mile farther, 
there was another brest worke for cannon and musquetiers, which without 
resistance we passed, and within a little mile of the towne, ^Jjich lay 5 
miles from the sea side, there was another strong brest wor£'«^ with 2 
very greate murderers to scoure the lane, where the enemie likewise 
appeared not ; breif their strength was such that if the enemie had 
behaved himself e manfully he mought have worsted us. It was Fryday 
the IP^ of May when the army marched into the towne, about 2 in the 
afternoon. In the afternoon of Saturday the 1 2^^ a Spaniard with a 
white flagg comming to our outguards, desiring a treaty was conducted 
unto the Generall. A treatie was agreed on, and 3 commisioned by 
their Governour, who was carried out of towne in a hammock for the 
pox ; meane while the enemie sent us 300 head of leane cattle, on pur 
pose to make the least of the country. 

On Tuesday the 15 it was agreed that the Spaniard should come in 
that day sennight out of the woods where they then lay, and bring in 
all their armes, and by the 16 June to be transported to Nuova Spania 
[and] have each man 2 suits of cloathes, 4 shifts, and to leave all there 
goods and negros to us, which may be about 3 or 4000. To dayes 
before their comming in was expired, they sent a letter (notwithstanding 
their 3 hostages whereof their pocky Governour was one) in to our 
Commissioners, [complaining of] the severity of the articles, to which 
if they complied, they were utterly ruined, and desired rather to expose 
their lives to the hazzard of warr then to condescend to such termes. 
Wee endeavored to hold them to such termes as they gave us at 
Providence Hand ; our Commissioners were Major Generall Fortescue, 
Coll. Holdhip, and Coll. Doylie. 

Upon this letter of the enemies our Generall, by advice of one of the 
Spanish Commissioners (who exclaimed against the treachery of the 
revolted Spaniards in the bushes, declaring them rebells, in that they 
submitted not to the Articles), sent Coll. Buller with 2100 by sea and 
land to fall on the enemie neere a river 7 leagues to leeward our towne, 

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but the eDemie was dispersed,^ and onely a partie of about 300 faced 
our party awhile, being most horse, and soe went their wayes, never 
endeavouring to engage but to fly from us, having secured most of their 
best goods, their ordinarie lumber, as beds, bedsteds, tables, and some 
chaires, lying scattered 3 or 4 miles to and againe in the country. As for 
the towne, which they call St. Jago of the plaine, there was found very 
little household siufle, and none but bedsteds, tables, and old chaires, 
except about 10000 hides lying in the houses on the floures for their 
slaves <kc. to lie on, which were brought into a church, and ready to be 
sent to New England, for bisket, meal, and pease. 

Fryday, the last of May, Coll. Buller retum'd with all his men in 
verie good order and health, being onely able to drive away the enemie, 
who of late had driven away the cattle from about the sevannos neer 
us, and soe to discover the country, bringing noe materiall plunder with 
them save some beds and tobacco. Upon consultation at his arrivall, 
and considering that the onely way to famine the enemie by keeping 
him from his Cassavi bread, it was concluded that the next day a partie 
of a 1000 men should disperce and settle att severall plantations, where 
the other should follow in due time, to inhabit the country, which will 
be devided among the regiments, and every man to have his proportion 
of goods from the provence thereof, they manuring it themselves. And 
for the better carrying on heereof a committee is appoynted for the 
benefitt of the country. Soe farr our voiage and designe by land. By 
sea wee keep upon this coast, to cruse and lie in waite for the enemies' 
shipps, 12 friggats of good force, which are now readie to saile, and must 
attend this service till another squadron be sent to releive them. 

As for the country it is much like that of Hispaniola, never a whit 
inferior in any particular, it is fuller of plaine, and better water'd by 
odds, most pleasant and healthful to the utmost, we have a land wind 
and a sea wind as at Hispaniola. The commodities of this country are 
sugar, Spanish tobacco, cotton, chocolate, hides, severall sorts of wood 
as Lignum vit», Brazill, or such sorts. Indigo will grow, so alsoe wine 
and oile. The King of Spaine to advance those 2 commodities having 
prohibited the growth thereof as the Spaniard tells us. Barley we have 
found and pease, so that we hope to brew beere and ale in time. Tis 
not soe hot as Italy by day, and cooler by night and mornings. The 
dayes difler a little in length ; at 7 of the clock it growes darke, and it 
is light at 5 in the morninge. There are noe other cities nor townes, 
> See 7th Bep. Hist. MSS. Comm. pp. 571, 574. 

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bat this on the Hand, and heere wee have above 1000 houses ; the 
streets not regular onely some, many of the houses of good brick and 
timber covered with tile made heere, other houses of clay and reeds, 
which doe reasonable well. Wee found onely 2 small shipps in the har- 
bour, one was sunke, the other had chocolate, with wood tables and 
bedsteds readie made, and other goods. Wee have inumerable many 
wilde and tame cattle that feed by thousands on the sevannos, hoggs, 
and horses alsoe. The horse much better and larger than those of 
Hispaniola, soe that better horse are [not] to be seen in England. 
Victuals heere is therefore reasonable. Wee have butchers heere that 
kill for the army, and we have sufficient thereof, and bread of Cassavi 
with beskett. The 3 rainy winter months are August, September, and 
October, after which the horse and cattle are very fatt, and now at the 
worst some of them fatt enough. Wee have now 2 of our amunition 
and provision shipps come to us, and the rest are at Barbadoes expected 
hourely : when wee shall be soe well provided of all things, that when 
wee shall be satisfied/ as we shall be suddainly, at the entringe in by 
the point and other places by sea, and at the landing, and at the towne, 
wee hope by God's gracious assistance to keep our station, maugre the 
enemie who is round about us from the maine and the Hands. Whereof 
I trust he shall be made sencible suddenly, and that wee are in respect 
of our good harbour and scituation better then if wee had taken His- 
paniola, as now our councell and officers plainely see and acknowledge, 
soe that it is to be questioned whether any place in the world would 
have advantaged our nation more then this. Wee have heere a mine 
of copper, silver, if not one of gold, as the Generall hath by the Spaniard 
been informed. We take horse and dragoones for each regiment, the 
enemie being about 4000, whereof 600 Spaniards, and not 200 fire 
armes. Wee have but 7 sugar mills yet found. Pray excuse the dis- 
orderly account I give you of this country, because of the hast I am in, 
and the care I take to settle. Mr. Wadeson our cheife tresurer, goes 
with the hides to New England. Meane while I officiate as occasion is, 
but little will my businesse be I feare me, for the civill officers will have 
their pay in commodities of this country, unlesseour flax ^ in these parts 
bring in money, whereof we despaire not : by my next I shall tell you 
more of this country and conveniences thereof. 

St. Jago on Jamaica. 
1 Jane 1655. 

» fortified? « fleet? ^ j 

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SL Jago on Jamaica^ June 15, 1656. — Our affaires heer are much 
unsetled ; the Generall and Coll. BuUer are following home to give 
account of matters, and to presse for recruites, then have promised to 

The enemie lye still on the mountaines, expecting our deserting this 
country, but the raines now at hand will sweep them downe amongst 
us or destroy them. Wee have taken 20 or 21 of them, among other a 
rich fat woman, the richest of the country ; they annoy us not, but wee 
have what cattle wee please for driving in. The land is devided among 
the regiments, for money wee have none, nor are not like unlesse some 
prizes drop into our mouthes at sea, whereof 3 or 4 are sunk and taken 
before St. Domingo, having lefte a f rigot there. 


June 16. — The GeneraPs and Collonel BulJer's returne into England 
is to vindicate the army from some aspertions, doubted to be cast upon 
it by some great ones, and a great debate ther is likely to be about it in 
England, as alsoe to hasten supplies of men and necessaries for such an 
undertaking, these return againe within a yeare, or at least have ingaged 
their honours for it to this councell. 


Juli/ 15, 1655. — Our Generall Venables with Collonell BuUer are 
now taking their passage for England, full sore against the desire of 
almost every man, by what I understand, soe that our troubles and 
discontents are added to those former confusions and wants of meat 
and drinke wherein wee lay involved, neverthelesse wee trust God will 
deliver us out of them in due time, who are somewhat comforted at the 
newes of our last letters by the Charitie, dated in March last, whereby 
14 saile, of victualls most, and some men of warr, are upon their way 
towards us, the Protector withall promising us very fair. Meane while 
sicknesse hath destroyed a considerable part of our armie, and about 
1000 we have still remaining sick of the flux and feavors, (the usual 
diseases,) which have carried away almost all my best freinds, as the 

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Secretaries <&c. but blessed be God who hath sent me health in the 
midst of sicknesse, and life when soe many lie dead, I find my constitu- 
tion still exellently agreeing with hot countryes. Neverthelesse what 
through want of victualls on board and ashoare, together with the much 
sweating which this country is subject unto, I am brought to that passe 
that I need not dr Amie to keep me from pinguifying, being already 
fallen away 4 fingers about the wast, soe that by this I like my voyage 
the better, though I have alsoe learned patience thereby, and other 
particulars, which I thinke I could not have learned at home ; however 
this I can say, and I thinke there is not 20 of us can truely doe the 
like, that I doe not repent of my comming this voyage hitherto. About 
6 dayes since there came into us voluntarily 50 of the enemie, greate 
and small, which wee suppose the raine which already falls dayly on 
the mountaines hath caused, those parts, as wee are told, being scarce 
habitable then : soe that in all wee have about 70 of the enemie among 
us, who have equal freedome and victuals with us as yet till the others 
are reduced, which wee doubt not will be shortly ; in the mean time 
they now oppresse us not, having not killed any of ours these 3 weeks, 
though before they dispatcht about 100 of our straglers unarmed ; 
neither doe wee feare the enemie from the maine, he having noe ship- 
ping, nor wee thinke force of men sufficient to oppose us. Our Generall 
goes home soe very sick that wee greately feare he will not recover it, 
and Major Generall Fortescue, who is to be then the Commander in 
cheife, is alsoe at present very ill. God grant these rainy moneths may 
beget some good alteration in point of health amongst us. Part of our 
Generall's businesse at home is to sollicite that the armye pay be other- 
wise then now it is like, and that wee be not bound to take land in 
payment, as hitherto they have thought to invest each regiment with 
such a province or such partidos of land, which now they ai-e cultivating, 
planting tobacco, Cassavi bread &c, for sustenance and trade. This 
non payment nor hopes of any makes soe many Captaines and others 
desire to go home, and to quit theire interest rather then be soe ill paid 
as they count it. 


Jamaica the 5 of Kovember 1655. 

The 1 1 ships lately arrived to this place with Ac. ' poore men I pitty 
them at the heart, all their imaginary mountaines of gold are turned 
1 800 men under Colonel Humphries. See Thurloe, iy. 153. 

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into dross, and their reason and affections are ready to bid them saile 
home againe already. For my owne part greater disapoyntments I 
never met with, having had noe provision allowed me in 10 weeks last 
past, nor above 3 biskets this 14 weeks, soe that all I can rape and 
scrape in ready money goes to housekeeping, and the shifts I make are 
not to be written heer. Wee have lost halfe our armie from our first 
landing on Spaniola, when we were 8000, besides 1000 or more seamen 
in armes. Never did my eyes see such a sickly time, nor soe many 
funerals, and graves all the towne over that it is a very Golgotha. Wee 
have a sevanno or plaine neere us where some of the souldiery are 
buried soe shallow that the Spanish doggs, which lurke about the towne, 
scrape them up and eate them. As for English doggs they are most 
eaten by our souldiery ; not one walkes the streets that is not shott at, 
unlesse well befreinded or respected. Wee have not onely eaten all the 
cattle within neare 12 miles of the place, but now alsoe almost all the 
horse, asses, mules flesh neere us, soe that I shall hold little Eastcheap 
in more esteeme then the whole Indies if this trade last, and I can 
give nor learne noe reason that it should not heer continue soe ; besides 
this wee expect noe pay heere, nor hardly at home now, but perhapps 
some ragged land at the best, and that but by the by spoken of, for us 
generall officers not a word mentioned. I could dwell long upon this 
subject, and could tell you that still halfe our armie lyes sick and 
helpelesse, nor had wee victuals for them before this fleet, nor expect 
ought now save some bread, and brandy, and oatmeal, and if that with 
phisick will not keepe them alive, wee have noe other remedie but 
death for them. For my owne part in 25 yeares have not I endured soe 
much sicknesse as heere with the bloudy flux, rhume, ague, feavor, soe 
that I desire eamesly to goe for England in March next^ if permitted, 
for I am fallen away 5 inches about. 

Amongst the dead persons your brother J. M. is one, who died of the 
dropsie, consumption, and other complicated diseases, the 22 of August 
1655 last &c. 

Wee lately with 120 men and 12 frigotts tooke the towne of St. 
Martha on the Terra flrma, where were 2 castles contayning 32 peice of 
ordnance, out of which wee beat the enemie by our ordnance, upon 
which the townes-men flying, our men presently landed and tooke the 
place with all therein, after an houre and halfes skirmish, and 8 men 
lost on our part. The towne and country, which we enjoyed 1 4 dayes, 

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was farr before this. They report | of the plunder went to the State, 
being all sold publiqnely, att which the souldiers grudg exeedingly, and 
T wish it spoile not the whole designe ; neither have wee the liberty to 
transport those hides whereof we kill the beasts, whereby our men are 
wont to throw away the hides that they stink up and downe the towne. 
Our men demanded 20000 R. of 8 to randsome the place, which the 
enemie promised to give, but coming not at his time wee fired the place, 
Churches and all. 

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Extracts from Henry Whistler's Journal of the West India 


[Whistler^s Journal is in the British Museum. * Sloane MS.' 3926. 
It was used by Granville Pennin the * Memorials of Sir William Penn/ 
where (ii. 31) the account of the landing at Jamaica is quoted. Much 
of the journal consists of an account of the voyage, which, as full 
accounts are printed in the * Memorials ' and in the * Thurloe State 
Papers,* is not of sufficient interest to be reprinted. Accordingly only 
the account of the sailing of the fleet and the narrative of events from 
the time of the arrival of the expedition at Barbadoes to the departure 
of Penn from Jamaica are here extracted.] 

December, 1654. — A Jornal of a Voaidg from Stokes Bay : and 
Intended by Gods assistant for the West Inga, and performed by 
the Right Honorable Generall Penn, Admirall, as folowes : Taken by 
Mr. Henry Whistler. 1654. 

The 26'* Dai/, — Tusday. This day our Generall commanded a gun 
to be fiered for all the flete to waie Anchor : and all our seamen to 
worne them to repaier abord : But many made it to be a worning for 
them to hid vntell we ware gon. This wose a sad day with our maryed 
men, they hanging doune thaier heads with a demuer countinanc, acting 
loath to depart, and sume of them profesing more love the one to the 
other in one halfe our then they had performed in all the time of 
thayer being together. And many of our yong men that had intan- 
gelled them selues in loue with sum yong virgin : Whoe think it verie 
hard and a great cruelltie to leaue a yong virgin to whome hee hath 
ingaidged and whollie devoted his hart : others war weping, and leauing 
and bequeathing vnto them sume pledg of thayer wanton loue ; 
receaveing from them sume Cordiall against sea sicknis : as Capes, and 
Handcerchifes, and shertes, to eye and ware when Neptune should most 
appose them. Att 2 of the cloke in the aftemoune all our flet got 
vnder sayle, the wind att E. N, E. and Bloue fresh, wee plied to the 

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North shore, and wee Rune aground vpon the Taile of the horse, which 
doth lay to the Estward of Souse Castell, wee claped all our sayles 
abackstares, and in one half glas Baked her of. The Swiftshor and 
Paragon and Dover and our kech and hoy went out att Sant EUings, 
But the rest of our flet went out at the Nedelles. In the Euning full of 
smalle Raine : Att midnight the wind veard att S. S. E. a faier galle. 

The 29'* Day [of January] 1654. — Munday att 12 we came vpwith 
the land, and coming to an Ankor in Carlile Bay, where we found our 
Rare Admirall and his Squadoren nulie come to an ancker, in this Bay 
wee found many of our Marchant shipes,and eleuen sayle of holenders: 
the which wee mad pris of. Heare as soune as we came to an ancker 
many Boates came of to vs, with many of the chefe of the lUand, whoue 
did profes that wee ware very wellcom, and that as soune as we came 
ashore we should find it soe, wee telling them that wee ware resolued to 
trie them. 

The 30^ Day [of January] 1654.— This Day our Generall and 
Generall Venable and CommishenerWinslow went ashore, whar they war 
receaued with much seuillitie ; they went to the Gouemors whar they sate 
in Councill about the Raising of souldgers, and within 5 days it was agreed 
vp[on], and Commishons Granted to the Commanders to raise them. 

February the 5'* 1654. — This Day it wos Ordord that the Mastton 
More and Selby should goe to St. Cristofers to raise a 1000 men 
against wee came doune : Com" Butler and Lif^" Corll. Houldup and 
Capt. Blye were ordered for this Desine, and the 6'^ day they depar[t]ed 
from this Illand. 

Tlie 9'* Day 1654. — This day the Douer broght in a pris : in all the 
time of our being in this barber wee took in all 16 sayle of Holenders. 
From this day to the 31*^ of March we lay att the Barbadous raising of 
soulders and fitting our Shipes, the which Being don, and all our 
Soulders shiped of, the Generall commanded that a gune should be fiered 
and our fore top sayle loosed to give the flet woming of our intending 
to be gon, and to wome all persons to repayer abord. 

This Island is one of the Riches Spotes of ground in the wordell and 
fully inhabited. But ware the pepell sutabell to the Illand it ware not 
to be compared : it is a most rich soile, all wayes Grone and baring frut, 
and the Chefest commoditie is sugar, and some Indieco, and Cotaine, 
and tobacoe, but the chefest commodiete they now plant is Shuger and 
Cottaine. heare are many plesant frutos, as pine Apeles, and planting, 


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and Buanoes, and orindges, and limes, and Custord apeles, and prickeled 
pears, and many other frutes : thayer Bred is made of Cassador routes, 
which is the routes of tres, and vntell it be Ground, and then presed all 
the duse out of it, it is poysson ; but being well ordered it makes good 
bre.od : thayer drink is mad of petatoe routes, thay being boyled thay 
brus them, and put them in Water, and then straine them : and that 
thay drink : but they must make it to times a day, or els it will be to 
stall : thes petatos are the chefest of thayer foud : specially for 
thayer saruants : heare are routes they call yames which they make 
yous insted of flower : as for flesh heare is not much, but sume of all 
sortes : but the best flesh is Porke, and that is far better then our 
English porke. The genterey heare doth Hue far better then ours doue 
in England : thay haue most of them 100 or 2 or 3 of slaues apes whou 
they command as they pleas : hear they may say what they haue is 
thayer oune : and they haue that Libertie of contienc which wee soe 
long haue in England foght for : But they doue abus it. This Island 
is inhabited with all sortes : with English, french, Duch, Scotes, Irish, 
Spaniards thay being lues : with Ingones and miserabell Negors borne 
to perpetuall slauery thay and thayer seed : thes Negors they doue alow 
as many wifes as thay will haue, sume will haue 3 or 4, according as 
they find thayer bodie abell : our English heare doth think a negor child 
the first day it is born to be worth 05", they cost them noething the 
bringing vp, they goe all ways naked : some planters will haue 30 more 
or les about 4 or 5 years ould : they sele them from one to the other as 
we doue shepe. This lUand is the Dunghill wharone England doth 
cast forth its rubidg : Rodgs and hors and such like peopel arc those 
which are gennerally Broght heare. A rodge in England will hardly 
make a cheater heare : a Baud brought ouer puts one a demuor com- 
portment, a whore if hansume makes a wife for sume rich planter. But 
in plaine the Illand of it selfe is very delightfull and plesant : it is 
mannered the b<ist of any Illand in the Inge?, with many braue houses, 
and heare is a braue harbor for ships to Rid in. The Illand is but 
small : but it maintains more soules then any peese of land of the 
bignis in the wordell. It is but a littell more then 30 mills long and 
and aleuen milles Brod, and it dose ffrayt aboue a hundered sayle of 
ships a year with Commodites of the growth of the Illand. This Illand 
may be much improued if they can bring theyer desine of wine mills to 
perfecktion to grind theyer Shugor, for the mills they now vs destroy so 

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many horses that it begors the planters, a good hors for the mill being 
worth 50^^ starling mony. The peepell haue a very Generus fashon that 
if one come to a hous to inquier the way to any plase they will macke 
him drinke, and if the trafeller dose denie to stay to drinke they tacke 
it very vnkindly of him. 

AprUl the first 1655.^ — This day att 12 wee wayed Anchor and att 
8 got forthe of the Harbor : wee stand away W. and keping this shore 
clos abord all Night : faier wethier and the wind att E^ ik E. by N. 

The 2*^ Day 1655. — Sabath day.^ This moring one of our prises 
spent her Maine Mast and fore Mast^ and the Dover tonlk her in a toe : 
this day the flag was put abroad to call all Commanders aboard to 
receaue orders : at 3 a cloke we stand away S. E. by E. intending to 
tach att the Illand Sa* Lussca : this aftemoune two of our prises fell 
foule one of ye other : and that which came abord of the other did 
teare the others sayles frome her yards, she fiered three gunes for help, 
which wose sent presenly : fayer wether and the wind at E. N. E. 

The 3 day 1655. — Munday from the day before att 12 to this day 
att 1 2 we say led Leages, Cours W. N. W. This morning att 9 wee 
saw land, and about 10 we came vp with it, it beeing the Illand of Sa^ 
Lucca ; this Illand wose inhabited by our Inglish, but thay ware cut 
ofe by the Indgons and sume ffrench, soe that now thare is noe inhabi- 
tant, att this plas wee came to anckor and watered : att this plas our 
Gennerall and Gennerall Venables went ashore, and wee that war with 
them had fouling peces with us : heare wee found very braue game of 
pelicans and other large foules : heare is many Wild cattell and much 
foule : vpon this Illand are many great snakes : heare are many parates : 
as you ride in this woad you may see Martainaeco : hear is and are 
manie braue harbors and rods about this Illand : in the south side 
neare the midell of this Illand is a very braue road whare many sayle 
of shipes may ride in 50 fatham water, or les as you goe nearer the shore : 
heare within this road is a braue harbor that is land loced, and the 
shoules water is 14 fadham, heare 30 sayle of ships may ride out 
of sight of any shipes that pas by it : heare are fresh riuers : water 
afele [?] : heare wee cote much fish and of very straing faisone. 

The 4'* Day 1655.— Tusday : frome the day before at 12 to this 
day att 12 We rid in the aforesaid Road mending what was toren the 

^ Should be March 31. See Memorials of Sir miliam Penrif ii. 76. 
« Really April 1. 

L 2 

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Sabath before : and filling of water ; att 10 this moring it blou a 
fresh gale and suuie raine : the wind att E. by W. 

The 5'* Day 1655. — Wensday : At 1 a cloke the day before we 
wayed Ankor and stud away N. with a fresh gale att E. N. E., and as 
soune as we came about this Illand we came faier in sight of Martaine- 
neco, and att 6 att night we came clos abord the shore, it is very high 
Land and full of mountaines. This Illand is inhabited with Ingons 
and french : thay Hue very comfortably together, and doue mary the 
one the other very often. Att 5 this moring wee came in sight of 
Domineco, and att 10 this moring wee came vp with it. This Illand 
is the Highest of the 3 : hear are none but Ingones : and it is a very 
frutfuU Illand : heare we lay beecalmed from 9 this moring to 12. 

The 5'* Day 1655. — Thursday : ^ Att one the day before came of to 
vs a periago with 14 Ingons, they haueing all boes and arrowes, and one 
of our shipes commanding them to come abord they let flie a whole 
flight of arowes at our men as they stud vpon the ship sid, and wounded 
5 men, and soe rune away frome vs, thayer bot going to swift for any 
shipp. From 1 2 the day before to 8 att night wee lay becalmed before 
the aforesaid Hand of Dominica : and att daylight this moring wee 
ware within a leag of the Esternmost Ind of Gordalupa. It being 
inhabited with french : they tiered to gonnes : wee supposing it was to 
give an alarom to the Contary. This is a very high Land and full of 
mountaines. It is a braue frutfull Hand : heare is a very good harbor 
for shippes. This Hand doth yeld Shugor, and tobacco, and Cottaine, 
and Indiccoe : heare wee lay beecalmed. 

The 6'* Day 1655,— Friday : this moring we cam vp with Mariga- 
lanta, and in sight of Todosanto : att this time In sight Mountserrat : 
and Rodundos : this Hand is a meare Rock and noe Inhabitants : faier 
wether and the Wind East. 

The 7'^ Day 1655. — Saterday : att 5 this moring we came in sight 
of Neuis : it bore N. of vs, 6 leags distanc : att 7 in sight of S^ Chris- 
tofers : it bore N. B. W. of vs, 7 leags distanc : att 10 close abord of 
Neuis, this Hand afordes the pleasantest prosspect to the sea of any 
that I haue it sene : it afordes the same Commodietes as the others 
doth : heare are 4 fortes in the South sid of the Hand, and a very 
Gallant Road and Harbor vnder Command for shippes to rid in : 
all theas fortes did sallut vs, and the shippes in the harbor : wee 
' At this point Whistler corrects his reckoning. 

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retomed 5 gunes in thankes to them : wee sent a small vessell 
ashore heare for refreshment : and we stud for St. Cristofers : and att 
11 aclok came vp with the North part of the Hand which is inhabited 
with the French : all thayer fortes and Shipping in the Harbor did 
salute vs with many Gunes : wee retoming them 5 gunes in thankes : 
wee stud away for our English harbor. But att 12 a cloke Conim^ 
Butler came abord from the shore to the Gennerall, whoue gaue account 
of 15 sayle of shipes that they had taken sence thayer coming heare, 
and that they had raisded 1000 souldiers which were redie shipped, he 
all soe touldthe Gennerall of 15 sayle of Spanish shipes that had pased 
by Hand 3 weekes agoe : the Comm''. departed, and went ashore to 
hasten of those shippes to vs and all parssons that ware as itt ashore : for 
our Gennerall did resolue not to come to Anchor heare att all. Wee 
Brought our ship by the lee, and droue before the part of the Hand 
which our English doth inhabit : and at 3 aclok came before the 
harbor whar the Moston Mor <fe the Selby were riding with thayer 
prises, the shipes made all hast of to vs : the English Gouemor was 
sick, or at least pretended soe, his Agent came of to the Genneralles 
to plead his excqus. But the Generalls finding not all things to goe 
well in this Hand, which did cas much bisnis. But att 11 acloke all 
wos dispached, and wee mad sayle : littell Wind att East. This is a 
very Gallant Hand : Baring the same Commodieties as the afore 
mentioned Islands doth : heare are the Best Orringes that wee haue it 
met with all. Our English haue one part uf this Hand and the french 
the other part : and as long as they could get any thing the one of the 
other they ware att wors, but now Hue very peessibell together : the 
one is not to come into the others ground without Leaue : Heare is a 
small Dich which part them, but it is all wayes drie. Wee lay bee 
calmed before this Hand all night. 

The 8'* Day 1655.— Sabath day : this Moring wee ware vp with the 
Hand of Statia : it is a very small Hand inhabited with the Duch : att 
acloke wee came vp with the Hand of Saba : heare is noe inhabi- 
tants, for it is small and fidl of rockes : heare we lay becalmed all Night. 

The 9'* Day 1 655.— Monday : this day all the Land Commanders 
ware caled abord of vs to a Counsell : thayer Gennerall did declare 
vnto them that Hyspanola was the plas resolued vpon : and that the 
River Hina was the plase of Landing : thay all departed, and wee made 
all the sayle wee could, it being littell wind at E. N. E. 

The 10'* Day 1655.— Tusday : this moring all our Land Oftisers 

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ware caled abord againe : to whome Comm'' Winslow did declare that in 
thayer Instructions from my Lord Protector there wos one Articell 
that noe Souldeger should plunder any plas that they should take, 
vpon paine of death, and that all plunder or goods that shall be taken 
att any place shall be put into a publick store for the caring one of the 
Desine, and for the sould^ers eucoraidgment when they had taken this 
Hand they should have six wekes pay a man : But if any shall kepe 
ether goods or plat or mony in thayer hands aboue 3 dayes, and not 
bring it in to the publicke stor hous for the yous of my lord protector, 
they should be proseded against as felons. This put all the Commanders 
into a Great pachon : and thos that durst did fullie declare vnto the to 
Genneralls and the Comm", that had not me Lord Protector promisd 
them and thayer Soulders free plunder whare soeur thay did goe, thay 
would not haue come out of England, and further tould them that thay 
had promised thayer souldgers for to incoraidg them to come with them 
all which me lord Protector did promis them : and that wose that thay 
should haue free plunder in all ennimies Contarys which they came in, 
and that now they could not with honestie now depriue them of it : It 
being all ways thayer due : and that in all the wors in England thay 
had it : and this being a forraine wor they thoght not lust to depriue 
the souldgers of it. The Comm'^. made Anisware to them, that seing 
my Lord Protector had put it thayer Instructions they could, not dis- 
anull itt : the Officers departed saying that they did desier them to 
take itt into furder consideration, and not to disincoridge the soulders, 
for by that means thay never might ataine to what thay Intended : this 
did put a great distraction among vs all both seamen and souldgers. 
Now both our Genneralls and Gennerall Venables ware willing to doue 
anything to Tncoraidge the souldgers, but Comm'" Winslow would not 
condesend to anie thing more than to giue them thayer six wekes pay 
when they had taken this plas. Now when we should haue bin ascking 
the lord to giue vs this place : Wee insted of that ware asharing the skin 
before wee had Cached the foxx. Wee ware now in sight of the Hand of 
St John a Partoreca : one of the Chefest Hands the Spaniyards haue in 
all the India, and strongly fortiefied ; faier wether and a fresh gale att E^ 
The 11'* Day 1655. — Wensday : this day our gennerall did send 
the Grantham frigat into St. John a Portoreca ; ordoring them to ware 
a Spanish Ensine one their poupe, and to goe into the rode, and to hal 
up thayer sayles, and fier a gun, for that is the sine when any of thayer 

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owne ships doth com home for a pilat to come ofe to them to cane them 
in, and by this trick wee did hop to get a pilat of, and soe to carrie 
him with vs, and to make him giue vs intelligence of the state of the 
Hand. But the Grantham ffrigatt could not gett a pilat to come of to 
her, But came to vs againe. This day wose in debat againe about the 
plunder. But nothing wos granted. This night wee came in sight of 
Mona, an Hand that doth lie in sight of Hispanola ; faier wether and a 
fresh gale of wind att E^ 

The 12'* Day 1655. — Thursday : this moring att 5 aclok wee came 
in sight of Hispanola, this being the obect our Eies haue soe long 
desiored to see. This daye as neare as wee could wee kept out of sight 
of the ennimie, and in the Night got clos abord the shore : faier wether 
and the wind att E^. 

The 13'* Day 1655. — Fridaye : this moring wee ware close abord the 
shore, and the Peopell being pursesed with teror with the sight of our 
flett, and seting one fier all thayer Becons to call in all the inhabitance 
into the sittie ; att this time it wose not resolued vpon whether the 
souldgers should haue plunder or noe ; but att last it wos resolued that 
euery soulder should haue six wekes pay giuen them at the day when 
they haue taken this Hand, but vpon paine of death noe plunder : this 
wos to be proclaimed att the head of eury Redgment when thay ware 
landed. Now when wee ware in sight of the enimie, and all being 
redie to goe ashore, Gennerall Venables did desier that all his com- 
manders should be called abord, that he might furder counsell wiili 
them, his desier wose fulliled, all thof it wose now a very vnseasonall 
time, for it now wose time to haue bin landing of our Armie. Now 
the Sittie of St. Domingo to vs most plesant did apear : But att the 
first sight of this Sittie our Gennerall Commanded the Vice Admirall 
and the Bar Admirall with thayer Squadorens to fier ech of them a 
gun, for to giue thayer Squadorens woming to folow them, and soe to 
stand to luard to the place apoynted for Landing, it being 10 Lcags 
from the Sittie to luard. This order was obsarued as soune as they 
sae the Sittie : all the Souldger wose abord of theos shipes : exspt to 
Bedgment, and those ware abord of our Squaderen, and they war to 
stay with vs, and to be landed att another place : the Vice Admirall 
and Bar Admirall and thayer Squaderen Mad sayl, and stud away to 
Luard, But wee stud in vnder command of the Sittie to see the situation 
of itt. But the fortes and Castell kep fining att vs, wee paying them 

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3 fould, vntell att last they were contented to Lett vs come within shot 
of them, and louck vpon them, and not to shout att vs. 

Att night wee stud of to sea, and plied vp to Windard and with a 
fresh Bres of the shore. 

The 14'* Day 1655. —Saturdaye : this moring all of thos souldgers 
that went to luard ware landed in good order, none to molest them, and 
as soune as thay were droue vp in order, att the head of euery redgment 
the orders were red for not plundering, which did much discontent the 
Annie, but thay could not tell how to healp it : But the sea ridgment 
did with droe from the rest saying, What doue wee doue heare, shall we 
venter our Hues for nothing ? But by thayer Commanders desiering 
them thay went one with chearfullnis. This daye the Armie did 
March 5 miles, and Incamped that Night : all this day wee stud to and 
fro with our flete before the Sittie. 

The 15'* Day 1655. — Sabath daye : this day our Armie Marched 12 
mile. But the drouth for want of water and the heat of the contary did 
much discoraidg them. This daye in thayer march thay mett with many 
Houses and plantation : But the inhabitans all fled into the Sittie, 
ex sept one or to Spaniards that ware eaten out with the pox and could 
not goe. This day they met with a monestorie, but all the Ballpated 
friors ware gone. But thay lef all thayer Imedges behind them, sum of 
our souldgers found plate hear : and one among the rest touck the 
Virgin Mary vpon his head, and brought her among the Armie, she 
wase most richlie clad : But the souldgers did fall a flinging of 
orringes att her, and did sodainelly deforme her, she had Crist in her 
armes, both thees Immadgs ware very rich. Our souldgers did get a 
great deale of suger att the plantations : But the heat and want of 
wat^r did cose many to faint and die by the way, but thay tuk all the 
care they could, and got wild Horses to carrie the sick. This Night the 
Armie did in camp at a plantation halfe way betweene the place of 
Landing and the Toune. But our flet did kep vnder sayle before the 
Cittie, as if wee would haue rune into the Harbor, which they much 

The 16'* Day 1655. — Munday : This moring att 5 aclok we begun 
to land Coll : Buller and Coll : Houldup and thayer Ridgmentes att the 
Riuer Hina, whar thar is a small fort which formerly had 4 gunes in it 
but now but 2 : heare wase both Hors and fut. But the GenneraU ordered 
the Selby to fler sume gunes into the fort, which did make them flee 

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out of it : it being to h[ot] for them : soe that we landed our men 
without any resistanc, and about 1 2 aclok all wos landed. Our Gennerall 
ordered Coll. BuUer not to march aboue a mile att the fardest, and 
thar to lay vntell the Armie did come to them : But as soun march 
but came to them a Neagor from the ennimie which had formerly liued 
with our English, which did giue them great incoridgement of the 
ennemies vnabillitie to fight them : and that he would show them the 
way : this did soe much In coridge Co". Buler that he forgot what 
orders he had receaued from our gennerall, and did folow the Kegor. 
Now I shall leaue this parttie and return to the Armie, whow this 
moring erly did begin to march, and not one ouer after that Co" Buller 
and his parttie wose marched from the aforesaid Riuer Hina but the 
Armie came to it : and thar did intend to in camp this Night. Wee sent 
botes ashore to them, But they had hardlie droue vp the Armie in order 
before nuse was broght that Co". Buller and his partie were ingaiged. 
Now Grennerall Venable did not know what to done in this case, for 
thay wose much tiered with thayer march, and ware not abill to march 
noe furder that night, but att last thay did resolue to Hazard the loss of 
that partie, and to rest the armie this night heare. Now our Rar 
Admirall and his Squadoren did ride in this Bay, to whom our Gennerall 
gaue orders that he should order to all his Squaderen to boyle all the 
meat they could this Night, and to send it ashor to the Armie to carrie 
with them. Now a messenger came from Co". Buler that did declare 
that this wose a false alaram that thay had : to of thayer owne parties 
meting did tier one att the other and hurt 4 men, and that wose all. 
But as for Co". Buller and his partie was one the march for the Cittie, 
and about acloke in the aftemoune he came vp with a fort of the 
ennimies cald fort leroname : this fort did fier many gunes att them, but 
thay not regarding of them did march for the Sittie, and [met] with a 
partie of the ennimee betwene this fort and the Cittie, fel vp one them, 
and put them to the rout, and folowed them near the Cittfe wolles. 
But Co". Buler Remembering that he had noe orders for what he did : 
did not prosed furder, but In Camped in the wodes this night near the 
Cittie. Wee lay all this time before the Cittie with our shiping, sume 
times sending them a bullet to put them in remembrance of vs. 

The 17'* Day 1655. — Tusdaye : This moring erly prouisions wose 
sent ashore to the Armie and Ammunicion, and att 10 aclok thay bee 
gun to march. But Co". Buller and his partie, wanting orders and 

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being almost choked for want of drink, did resolue to retreat backe 
againe, and to met the Armie, and soe did. But the Annie haaeing 
not good pilates with them that did know the way, and fearing that 
they could not forde the riuer neare the sea side, did goe a great way 
furder then they had ned to haue don, which did much tier theyer men ; 
about 2 aclock they tuck an Irrish man that did Hue in the Cittie, and 
demanding of him whar there wose anie water, he tould them that he 
would bring them whar thar wose water, and they being much joyed to 
hear of it, for many did faint for want of watter. Now all our Armie 
did folow this Irish man, and marcing carlislie, they haueing a very 
strong pursumption in them that thayer innimie durst not face them, 
but all thay thoght they had to doue wose to March into the Cittie 
thar to inhabit. But this pursumption wose sodainelie turned into a 
great teror, for this Irish man insted of bring them whar water wose, 
broght them open with one of thayer fortes before thay did see it : this 
fort did fier verie fast vpone our Armie. But Grennerall Venables 
coming vp to the head of our armie to vine this fort, Thar did flie 
forth of the wods a partie of the Innimie which did lay in ambush 
vpon our folome, and did doue a great deale spoyle vpon our folorne ; 
and Gennerall Veuabeles being one of the foremost, and seeing the 
ennemie fall one soe desperatly with thayer Lances, he very nobelly 
rune behinde a tree ; and ouer sea Ridgment hauing this day the folom 
hop did fall one most galantlie, and put the ennimie to flie for thayer 
lines, and coming whar Gennerall Venabeles wos got behind a tree he 
came forth to them. But wose very much ashamed, but made many 
exskuces : being soe much prosesed with teror that he could hardlie 
spake. Our falorne did folow the ennemie clos, killing sume of them, 
vntell they came to one of thayer fortes^ but as soune as the ennimi did 
see our men come one so fast thay fled out of the fort, and rune for the 
Cittie ; this small fort is within one quarter of a mile of the Cittie. 
Now all the Commanders did doue all thay could to stop the Armie 
which wose don : becase of droing vp of the Armie before thay came 
in sight of the Cittie. Now Gennerall Venabeles did desier that a 
Counsell of war might be called, which wos don : all the Colls and Cap** 
did come emediatlie to it, whar Gennerall Venabele did declar vnto them 
that it wos his opinion that it wose best for the Armie for to retorne 
againe to Riuer Hina, thar to refresh themselues 2 or 3 dayes, and then 
to march vp to the Cittie againe. But Maidgor Gennerall Haines and 

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all the others that ware at the CouQsell of wor ware against it, giuing 
this Reson, saing if wee doue goe back wee shall giue the ennemie 
oprtunitie of douing vs furdor mischef, and time to fit theraselues, and 
when wee doue goe back wee shall be as much tiored as wee are 
now when we com againe, saying tharfore thay did desier to fal vpon 
the Cittie, and not to goe Bjtck. But Gennerall Venabeles made this 
Aneswar, saing that he had sene to rames a fighting, and after thayer 
first goeing back they came vp with a great deal more fors the second 
time then they did the first, and this wos all the reson hee did giue, 
nether would heare to anything more then to retreat back againe to 
Hine Riuer. Now seing thay could not preuaile with the Gen**, not 
to goe back but to fall vpon Cittie : they begun to dro of the Armie 
to march back. In this broyle the ennemie had a very great aduan- 
tagd, for the way wase soe narow that not aboue 10 men att the most 
could march abrist, and all our Armie think[ing] themselues in securitie 
war in a bad postuor : the ennimie did kill one of our Adgitants 
Genneralls named Waters, and to Cap*'., with many Gallant soulgers. 
The ennimie doth yous most Lances, which is a most desperate wepon, 
they are very sharp, and soe brod that if they strik in the bodie it 
makes such a larg hole that it lettes the breth out of the bodie 
emediatlie. This March back againe did kill more men then the 
ennemie did, for thay did faint and fall doune for wand of water : sum 
would beg of thayer comrades to make water in thayer [mouths], which 
if any did most of them did ris and march. But many did die by the 
Way for want of water, one quart would haue saued many Hues : this 
night they got back againe to the Eiuer Hina, and thar did In Camp. 

The 18'* Day 1655. — Wensdaye : this moring Gennerall Venabeles 
came abord of vs to his Ladie, and left his Armie to louck to them- 
selues : he desired that the mortopeece should be landed, and to small 
Drakes, and that sume Carppenters should be sent ashore to make laders : 
all wos dun acording to his desier. Our Gennerall Comanded all the 
Hare Admiralls Squaderen to boyle meat all day and Night for the 
Armie, and to send Brandie ashore and Bred, and this to Harten the 
Armie, which wose done acording to order. Now did Begin our sorow, 
for our souldgers would goe to kill wild cattill, and the ennime would 
lay in the Bushes, and as they came by them would fall vpon them 
with thayer Lances, and kill and spoile all or most of them. But for 
all that thay would ventor to doue it out for frut and to plunder, but 

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most of them come short home : the innimie would neurer fier a musket att 
our men, but fall vpon them vnwers, and Lance them thorow and throrow; 
the stafe of thes lances are longer then a halfe picke. Hear are a sort 
of Yagabons that are saued from the gallowes in Spaine and the king 
doth send them heare : Thes goe by the name of Cow killers, and 
inded it is thayer trad, for thay Hue by killing of Cattille for the hides 
and talow : Thes are those that doth doue all the mischefe, and hear are 
Negors and Molatos which are thayer slaues : to thes thay did proclaim 
fredom if they would light, telling them that if they would not fight 
that we would take and eate them as fast as we^ take them, and this 
did greatly incoridg them to fight. If it were not for theas Cowkillers 
and the Negors the spaniyards ware not abell to hould vp his hand 
against any ennemie, for the spaniyards are soe roten with the pox and 
soe lothegic that they cannot goe 2 mile but they are redie to die. But 
to thos spanards that dui*st ventor to command thes Nigors and cow 
killers, to theas the pop doth giue a bull, which is a parden for all [sins] 
past and to come, and many that our men did take had thayer parden 
hanging about thayer neckes ; theas men will fight with great con- 
fidence, and doue belefe that if they die all dies, for they are partened : 
and when you fier at them they will fall doun vpon thayer right knee, 
and when you haue fiered them thay will come one most desperate. 
But if you kep them out, then thay flie for it : but if thay come within 
you, then stand cleare. 

The 19'* Day 1655. — Thursday : this day the Mortopece and the 
Drakes were landed, and all things pertaing to it : the laders ware all 
redie, and all Ammonishon landed redie to march. But Gennerall 
Venabelles, Being abord of our ship, and haueing a good ship vnder him 
and his wife to lie by his side, did not fele the hardship of the Souldgers 
that did lie one the sand vntell the Baine did waish it from vnder 
them, and hauing littell or noe vitelles, and nothing to drink but water. 
But the Gennerall did not consider that. But resolued to stay 2 or 3 
dayes more, pretending to refresh them, but the lieing heare did doue 
the armie more hurt then thayer marching, fibr the fresh meat, and the 
abundant of frut that they did eate, and lieing in the raine did case 
most of them to haue the Bluddie-flux, suid now thayer harts wore got 
out of thayer Dublates into thayer Breches, and wos nothing but 
Shiting, for thay wose in a uery sad condichon, 50 or 60 stouls in a day, 
and thous that had it but 1 or 2 dayes it mad them soe weake that 

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they ware not abell to goe. Now the Souldgers did begin to Murmur 
at the Gennerall liing abord with his ladie, and keping them ashore in 
this sad condichone. 

The 20'* Day 1655.— Friday : This day the Spanniyard thinking that 
we had Bin going to shipeing of all of our souldgers to be gon, thay 
sent a partie to see what wose become of vs ; and thay comeing within 
pistole shot of our maine garde before any of our men did see them, 
and sume of our men being in the bushes a sharing of thayer vitelles, 
the Innimie fell one them, and they crieing out for quarter did giue an 
alaram to the Armie ; and wee hauing a partie redie to droe out Com- 
manded by Cap*. Steuens, and he being gredie of fighting them did run 
to meet the ennimie, did hard lie stay to take any men, and coming whar 
the innimie wose, as soune as he that did Command the ennimies partie 
did see our parttie he did alight from of his hors, and led one his parttie 
afut, with a backe sord and targat in his handes, and Cap* Steuens 
coming vp with him did lay at him, but the Spanniard did gard with his 
targat, and strike with his back sord, and att last wounded Steuens and 
he fell, but his Lif tenant did close with the Spaniard, and struck vp his 
heles, and ran him throrow, and his men folowing him close a made the 
ennimie to rune, killing 30 of them, they being most of them Negors : 
they did friten many that did think that thay would not fight but a 
rune from thayer houses and lands and left them to inhabit it, but thay 
now find it other wayes. This day Gennerall Venabeles doth intend to 
goe ashore to his Armie, and our Gennerall did tell Gen". Venabeles, that 
if he would think well of itt, he would send 2 or 3 shipes to beat doun 
that fort which did afront them the last time : he made anisware noe, 
saying it would spoule the fort, and he should not tell how to haue it 
mended againe, for he did intend to lett this fort alone, and goe to the 
Cittie and take it, and then this fort would yeld : and our Gennerall 
furdor tould him that he would haue sume shipes to Bator the Cittie as 
soune as the Armie did come before it, but Gennerall Venabeles wose 
loft that the Cittie should be defased : our Gennerall tould him that 
he would order sum shipes to fill water, and bring it within a quarter 
of a mille of the Cittie, and thar to Aencker, and be redie to land it 
when thay should make a sine : this Gen". Venabeles did think verie 
well of, and soe he did depat, But could not part with his ladie, but did 
carrie her with him, but he did not goe any farder then abord our Rar 
Admirall, and thar did lay all night with his Ladie. 

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The 21" Day 1655. — Saterdaye : This Moring Gennerall Venabeles 
went ashor, and the Annie did begin to march touward the Cittie, droing 
thayer Mortorpece and the to Drakes and all thayer Ammonishon with 
men.^ Now wee mad all redie to land prouishons and water among 
other nessisaryes for the Armie when they did come vp to the Cittie ; 
our Gennerall did order 5 ffrigates to make all redie, and as soune as the 
Armie did come to besedge the Cittie they ware to stand into the 
harbor and Battor the Cittie, soe that they should bee att noe quet at no 
place in the Cittie. Now all our flete did ride att an ancor within 
Minnon shot of the shore : and the Cittie and fort leronnieme did both 
play att vs with thayer gunes, but they did most times sheut ouer vs, 
wee paying them in the same Coine. Att 2 acloke our Armie came 
before this fort againe, and haueing thayer eis all together vpon this 
fort, and not garding themselues from any Ambush that might lie for 
them, for all they met with one hear the time before, but kep marching 
one lucking vpon this fort, not fearing any other ennimie but those 
that ware in It. But the ennimie had laid an Ambush lad clos by the 
way which our men ware to come thorow : now as soune as our falome 
wose come vp with the place whar this ambushcado lay, thay did flie 
out of the wode vpon our falorne hop. But our falome did fier att 
them all att one, and the ennemie did stoup vntell thay had all shot, 
and then fell in amongst our armie with thayer Lances, and put our 
falome to the rout. But Maidgor Gennerall Haines, being of a more 
Nobell Spirit then the rest, did desier our men to stand, but none would ; 
then he did desier but to filles to stand bie him, teling them that he 
would worent they would rout them, but none would ; then he by 
himselfe caling for 10 or 5 men to stand by him. But none but 3 would 
stand with him, and the Maidgor Gennerall Burieing his Raper in the 
Bouelles of one of the ennemies, and the other to stayers the ennemie 
Lancing them thorow and thorow, thay all 3 fell. But the ennemie kep 
pursueing our Armie in the Reare, Lancing and killing our men as long 
as tell thay ware all most awery, for the way wose soe narrow that those 
that would haue fote could not come vp. But att Last the Seae 
Ridgment did oppen to the Right and left, and lett all our Armie run 
thorow them, and then closed, and put the ennemie to retreat, and mad 
them flie for the Cittie ; now for all this our Armie would not belefe but 

* This march began on Tuesday, April 24, and the defeat described was on 
Wednesday, the 25tb. 

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that the ennimie wos in the Beare, and kep runing, but att last they did 
stop, and did inarch vp, and came to the place whar the Sea Ridgment 
had made good the Ground, which wose within shot of the fort playing 
ypon them cruellie ; heare the Armie did incamp all this night : and 
the Sea Ridgmen did fling vp a worke to play the Mortopec into this 
fort as neare as the Ingonnear did desier, and all wose made redie to 
play the Mortorpece into the fort ; all men did think that they should 
haue stormed this fort in the morning. But Gennerall Yenabeles being 
more pursesed with teror and feare now his Major Gennerall was slaine 
then he wos before when he did hid behind a tree : Now the Armie did 
wont water. But Gen'^ Venabeles did neuer declare vnto the armie 
that the flett did lay within a quarter of a mile of them with all sorts 
of provisons and water, which would haue greatlie In coraidged the 
Armie : But erly in the moring cosed the drumes to beat, and all the 
souldgers made redie thinking that thay had bin agoing to fall one 
vpon this fort, but the Gen" commanded them to Burie the shelles of the 
Mortorpece and the ded men, and soe to march back for Riuer Hina. 
Now many did curs inwardlie which durst not show it outardlie. All 
this day our flet did lie waiting to see when the Armie come for the 
Cittie that we might haue bin tearing the Cittie with our shiping. 
But att last word wose Broght that the Armie wos come back againe, 
which struck all in a damp swet of freating : all of vs seeing what did 
pas betwene our men and the innimie, and knowing that thar did 
nothing pas betweene them that could cose them to stay one our, but 
that they might haue advanced to the Cittie : which made vs that we 
could not belefe that they wore come back, but it did proue to be true. 
Now in this march and skirmish did die and wose slaine and wounded 
att least 1000 men : and most of them war wound in the back with a 
lane ; for none, exsept the Maidgor Gennerall and those to that stood 
with him, that did face the ennimie But did scape, for thay would lett 
them alone and folow thos that did rune. Now wee did aske them 
how many they did think the ennimie wose that lay in the Ambush : thay 
tould vs with shame that thar could not bee aboue 200 att the most, if 
thar wose soe many. Now our Gennerall and Comm". Winslow and 
Comm" Butler did Resolue to see if thay could gett them to march vp 
once more, and to giue the armie sumething for to Incoraidg them : But 
as soune as thay made it knowen to Gennerall Yenabeles he made them 
this anser, that it wose in vaine to talk any fourder of it, for he did 

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resolue not to goe any more : But If our Gennerall would ship the 
armie againe, and carrie them for lamanica, thay would do all that thay 
could to tacke it, But as for this place thay did resolue never to atemp 
more this Bout. Our Gennerall did yous all the means possibell he 
could to proswad them to trie once mor, telling them that he would lay 
all leuill for them against they came with the shiping, and many of the 
Commanders did seme willing to goe againe with a partie of men which 
should be picked out of the Armie. But Gennerall Venabeles would 
not yeld to It. Now our Gennerall being much ashamed of thayer 
basnis, but not soe much as thay ware themselues, did tell them that 
ware it not for the sakes of sume that ware with them, he would set 
sayle and leaue them : seeing thay ware so bace to desier to come of 
from this Gallant Illand, and to leaue it with soe much shame and 
disgrace not onlie to themselues But to the Nation : he would one 
more take them abord. But he tould them they must shift for vitelles 
ashor vntell our shipes had got in water and ware fited, telling them 
that he had tuck care to fede them long anufe all redie, anow they were 
in a contary whar all things ware plentie, and if thay would not fight 
for it thay should starue for him, vntell the flete was fited. Now the 
ennemie had soe much frighened our men in the last skermish that 
now thay would rather starue then thay would goe out of thayer 
quarters but one mile, whar they might haue killed as much as thay 
would, but thay ware soe much afraid of the Cow killers that thay 
would not budg out, and soe many did starue vpon that account. Now 
with lieing in the raine and eating bad diat most of the armie fell into 
Bluddie fluxes, and many did die with that, but more for want of 
Vitells. Now thay did beegin to eat thayer doges, and if a pore 
Trouper did tie his hors to a bush but whille he went to eas his bodie. 
The f ut would haue kild him, and halfe rested him by that time he had 
don, If he ware not nimbell. This wose our Condichon, theas rates of 
men would rather starue and die then goe but one mile into the wodes 
whar thar is thousands of braue cattell. Hear are an abundance of 
Great Crabes which Hue in the wodes, thay all wayes come out of thayer 
holes in the night to feed, and hear ar such an abundanc that as thay 
goe thay will hit the ons leges against the other, which will make a 
rattelling. This nois did giue many an Alaram to our Armie in the 
night, and when thay came to exsamen what thay ear that gaue this 
alaram, thay would make ancer thay did heare a nois like the ratling of 

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Bandaleares, sume of them did lep into the sea for feare that it had 
abin the Cow killers, and this wose nothing but the Crabes, which ware 
loucing for thayer meat when our Armie did not dare but did lie and 
starue. Hear are allso a great flie that the Spaniard doth call a fier 
flie, theas doue flie in the Night, and doue show like a cole of fier : thes 
did giue our Armie many alaram, for the senttaries would think them 
to bee the ennimie with light maches, and fier att them. This would 
give an alaram to all the Armie, and many would run into the wodes for 
fear it wose the Cow killers and the Nedgors come vpon them. 

May the 5'*, 1655. — The Armie Being all shiped Wee made sayle 
and Bore away to luard. Intending for lameca, and keping close abord 
this Illaiid, and Lammenting euery time wee did louck on this Illand, 
that it should bee saide that wee Englishmen should leaue such an 
Hand soe baslie as wee did leaue this : Our Gennerall being all most 
choked for want of venting and telling the Armie of thayer Basnis : 
But he thoght it wisdom rather to be silant, and to giue them all the 
Incorraidgment he could, lest thay should doue the like whar we ware 
goeing : faier wether and the wind att E. wee steard West with a 
fresh gall of wind. 

The ^"^ Day, 1655. — Satordaye : All this day we kep vnder sayle 
fayer vnder this Illand haueing a fresh gall of wind att E. Wee steered 

The 7'* Day 1655. — Sabath daye : this moring at 5 wee sae a small 
vesell plieing to windward ; the Lorill and the Hound gaue her chas but 
she came soe neare the shore that thay durst nol' follow her, but gaue of 
the chas. This day we kep but an easie sayle abroad by reson of keping 
company with our flet : fayer wether and the wind att East, a fresh gale, 
wee stud away W^ 

The 8'* Day 1655. — Mondaye : this day the Grennerall ordered that 
all the flet should kep fast to desier the Lord to giue vs his presence 
along with vs in this our Intended desine. Wee made all the sayle 
wee could, but soe that wee might kep our flet togethier. This euing 
Commisenor Winslow died, sume did say that it [was] with grefe, but 
he had a strong feauer one him when he died : faier wether and the 
wind att East. Wee steard away Weast. 

The 9'* Day 1655.— Tusdaye : This moring 9 aclok wee Broght 
the West Ind of this Hand to bare N. of vs, wee standing away W^ : 
Now the Buriall of Commishenor Winslow wos performed as solemly as 


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might bee att sea, his graue Being the whole oshon sea, his Bodie being 
put int a cofen, and 2 Cannone shot att his fete, his Corpes being held 
forth to the sea with ropes ouer the shipes sid redie to louer doune. 
Command being gaue thay all let goe : our ship gaue him 20 gunes, 
and our Vic Admirall gaue him 12, and our Bar Admirall 10, and soe 
wee bed him adue, haueing a fresh galle of wind att E^ This night we 
sae the Hand of Jamineca, the place now desiered : it bore W^ of vs : 
wee steard right with it, faier wether all night. 

The 10'* Day 1655. — Wensdaye : this day wee came faier vnder the 
Shore of lameca, and all our Armie did prepare to Land ; but the Com- 
manders of the Armie did declare vnto thayer souldgers, that thos 
which were not willing to fight thay did desier them to stay abord, and 
many exsept of thayer profer very willinglie ; faier wether and the 
wind att E. 

The W^ Daye 1655.— Thursday : from 10 aclok att night to this 
moring wee kep faieor by the shor, and now wee made all the sayle wee 
could to gett into the Estermust Harbor ; but before we could get in it 
fell Calme, soe that wee ware forsed to come to an Ancker half a leage 
to the Estward of the Harbor in 50 fadham water ; but within half an 
our it sprung vp a fresh galle at E*^. Wee waied, and stud into the 
Harbor, and came to an Anchor in 40 fadham water ; but the Gennerall 
commanded the Marttaine to rune vp into the Harbor as far as possibell 
he could, and all the small shipes and vessells to folow her, which was 
done : the Marttaine came to an Ancor within shot of the fort, which 
was very angerrie with him, and fiering att her verie hot, and she att 
them againe, but did but litell hurt of ether side : heare ware 2 other 
forts of very small account did kep poping att them with Muskettes, 
thinking to feare vs. Our Gennerall and Gen**. Venabeles mad all the 
hast they could vp to the Martaine, and went abord of her, most part 
of our souldgers lieing round the Martaine in boates redie to Land. 
Our Gennerall commanded the Boates to folow vs with the men, and 
commanded the Master to rune the Ship ashor as near as possibell he 
could to the fort, which was don ; and fiering sume gunes into this fort, 
and the Boates folowing vs with the Souldgers, our seae men rune the 
boates fast aground close vnder the fort, and the souldgers Leping into 
the water to wade ashore. The ennemie seing our resolution did not 
stand to giue any resistanc. But rune, leaning 3 gunes Mounted. This 
gaue our Armie great Incoridgment, but our Armie did not folow the 

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ennimie, but did droe vp in Battalie, and thar resouled to stay vntell 
thayer Gen", did come ashor to them : for sume ware much trobelled 
that he did not Land with them. For all the time that the Armie was 
landing, he was walking abord of the Martaine, raped vp in his cloake, 
with his hat ouer his eies, loucking as if he had abin astuding of fissick 
more then like a Gennerall of an Armie : and when the Armie did 
come by vs in Boates they did shout forth into a holow, which is a 
custome att sea, thorowing vp thayer Capes and Hates : But Gennerall 
Venabeles did not giue them soe much as one Louck for to Incoraidgo 
them, But puled his hat ouer his eies, and did louck the other waye. 
Many of his commanders did tacke notis of it. But our Gennerall did 
call to them, giuing them Incoraidgment, teling them that the ennemie 
did rune. But Gennerall Venabeles seeing the ennimie all fled from 
thayer fortes, and none thare to apose our Armie, did desier a boat, say- 
ing he would goe ashore, and our Gennerall being both redie and willing, 
knowing his Bisnis to be thar and not heare att this time, gaue com- 
mand presentlie for a boat to carrie him ashore to the Armie, whar he 
found them all drone vp ; whar they did resolue to in camp this Night, 
and to tacke the day before them to march vp to the Toune, It being six 
mile from the place of landing. 

The 12'* Day 1655. — Friday : This moring erlie our Armie did 
march for the Toun, and comeing neare it thar met them a Spaniard 
with a flag of truce, and being Broght to the Gennerall, He did declare 
vnto vs, that the Gouemor and his Counesill did send him to Lett them 
to vnderstand, that if thar ware anything vpon the lUand that might be 
seruisabell to vs wee should haue it wUlingly, Meaning any thing of 
prouissons, for the ennemie did think wee had come vpon that account 
as Jacson did with his flete, which was onlie to vitell, and soe be gon 
againe. But Gennerall Venabeles made the mesendgor this anesware, 
that if the Gouernor did desier a tretie that they should be free to come, 
and thay should haue good composichons, the messenger departed, and 
our Armie marched into the Toune. But the ennemie ware all fled, 
carrieing all thayer goods with them. Leaning onlie thayer Houses, and 
some Chayers, and Bedsteds, and such like goods behind them : but 
thay ware not gon far : for thay ware nulie gon. Our Armie ware 
desier us for to haue pursued them, but the Gen", would not giue way to 
it ; But ordered gardes to be seat, and the Annie to tacke vp thayer 
quarters in the Toune, which was done. 

M 2 
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The 13** Day 1655. — Satordaye : This moring came into vs 8 
Spaniards, thay being the Chefe men of the Hand, to treat with vs : and 
Gennerall Venabeles propounding to them the same Composichons that 
they gaue our English vpbn Providenc, which wos all to goe ofe from the 
Hand ech with a sute of cloas on his Backe : And to bring in all goods, 
and all Money and plate, with thayer Negors and all other slaues, into 
the plas apointed for the receaueing of it within 10 dayes, vpon paine 
of death, and soe to begon of the Hand. The ennimie hearing of thes 
Artickelles ware very sad, desiering sume time for to consider of it : 
and one day being granted them : that being exspiered thayer ancor 
was requiered : but they defered it tow dayes more, saying that of them- 
selues thay could doue nothing without the Gouemor : and did ingaidg 
that the Gouomor should come him seluf with in 10 dayes Into vs. 
But in the meane time the ennimie did daylie send into our Annie a 
raator of 200 Befes a day, which our armie did like very well, thay 
Being Contented like swine with peas when pearill laye before them. 
Now Gen". Venabeles wos much pufed vp with the thoughtcs of thos 
termes that the ennimie ware like to sine to, he knowing that it would 
be much for his aduantaig ; for if our Armie did fight, then our souldgers 
would gett all the plunder and Riches ; But if thay did yeld upon 
Aftickles, then all wos in his hands to doue as he did pleas : but this is but 
our mild thoughts of him : god grant it may not proue a truth inded. 

The 16'* Day 1655. — Tusdaye : This moring erly our Gennerall did 
ride vp to the Toune with a strong gard to wait one him, for treatie could 
not be inded vntell he came : heare he did desier to know what thay 
had done, and what they Intend to doue : and Gennerall Venabeles 
did declare the full substanc how all things did stand, and what thay 
had resouled vpon : and our Gennerall did agre to what they had pro- 
pounded, onlie sume things he cased to be altered. Now the time 
being neare in which the ennimie had promised to bring in the 
Gouornor of the Hand to sine the Artickles a partie of 2000 men wose 
sent to mete him : and goeing about a quarter of a mile out of the 
toune they met him, and broght him in : he wos carried in a hammacka 
betwen to Negors upon a pole with to men a horsbauk to wait one him : 
But the Gouemor was soe Roten, and soe much eaten out with the pox, 
that he could neither goe, stand, nor seat, nor well lie ; he wos a uery 
sad creater, the ennimie woas ashamed that we« should see him. Now 
our Gennerall and Gennerall Venabeles did pres hard to haue the 

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ennimie to sine the Artickles. But the enneraie did defer it of one 
day more, and all this time of the treatie we did sufer ye ennimie to 
com among vs and see the state of our Armie, for which wee were much 
to blame : for they had more wit then wee had, for they would not 
sufer any to com among them : but when any of our men did goe to 
them thay would mete vs, and complement with vs, desiering that thay 
would not come among thayer maine bodie, for thay did pretend that 
thayer wifes and children ware soe much afraid of vs, that if any 
of them should see any of our men among them thay would flie into the 
woudes soe that thay should not find them. This wos thayer pretence, 
but wee found it otherwayes : for thay ware caching Horses, and fiting 
all things for to carrie away thayer goods, and Blinded our pore sillie 
Armie with this pretenc : thay did lie within 2 mile of vs in a braue 
Sauana full of Cattell. Now I shall retorne to the treattie, the time 
apoynted being come for them to sine but they ware very vnwilling to 
doue it, but seing noe help for it they did sine the Artickles : and we 
did kep all those that had sined in custodie, thinking that by that they 
would see all things performed for thayer oune sackes. But one of 
the Chefest of them, being more sutell then the rest, did plead hard 
that he might goe vpon his parroule, and that he could work much 
upon the peopell to bring them into vs, and vpon his many vous and 
prodistation of being true to what he had sined to, Gennerall Venabeles 
did lett him goe vpon his parroule. Now this Spaniard did know what 
would kep our sillie Armie quiat, and hee did daylie send in Cattell More 
or Les to vs, and whilest our Armies were eating of befe, this Spaniard 
which did goe vpon his parroule did case all the ennimies to mount 
them selues and all thayer goodes a horsback, and soe fled vp into the 
Mountaines whar thay remaine. But our Armie did not know they 
ware gon, but lay locking when thay would send more Cattell into 
them : but the ennimie failing them to dayes together, and thay being 
all most starued did send forth a partie to see what wos become of 
them, and thay finding them all gon did retorne to macke the Gennerall 
aquainted of it, which att the nuse wos very blank to see how baslio 
thay had cosened him. Now all our Armie was left in a very sad 
condichon, being lef like a child that cannot hardlie goe to shift for 
himselue, for the ennemie had fed them very short all this time ; and the 
beter part of them ware all most starued : for the ennimie would be 
shore to send plentie of all things into the Genneralls oun quarters and 

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sume of the Rest of the Chefe of the Annie, and when thay had plentie 
the sou]dgers might couiplaine and starue and none regard It. For 
Gennerall Venabeles had made an order, that vpon paine of Death noe 
man should goe aboue halfe a mile out of his quarters to fech in any 
prouisons, and if any did it wos taken away from him, and the partie 
put into prison and tried for his life. Now the reson that Gennerall 
Venabeles did giue forth this order wos, that ye Armie would destroy 
and spoyle all the plantations, If it were not for this order. But he 
Faid he would make the ennimie to bring in prouisons anufe to sarue all 
the Armie : and soe they did bring sume most dayes vntell thay fled 
away : but thay did not bring aboue 150 when thay broght most, 
which wose not aboue one for a Company : and the Capt. would haue 
the Kibes, and the Lif^ and Insine the serlines, and by that time that 
all the rest of the Ofisors were sarued thar would hardlie remaine a 
pound a pece for the souldgers, and that wos all thay had ; many times 
for to or thre dayes thay had no bred, nor nothing to drink but water ; 
this was thayer condichon vntell the enniemie did flie away from 
them : and then they had none, Soe by this Means within 12 dayes 
after our landing they could not droe out 50 men out vpon saruis, 
wheras when they landed most of the Company ware 100 men ; But 
what with want of prouision and Good drink they fell into the 
Bluddie flux, and many did die of It : for It was much if one saw 3 
men, and if 2 of them could help themselfes. Now our Armie did not 
any wayes striue to louck any f ardor, for I doue belefe that the Head 
of them wos glad that the ennemie wose fled away : now thay did 
begin to send parties out to fech in prouisons, But they could not bring 
it in half soe fast as the Armie could haue eaten It. But now thos 
Spaniards which did treat with vs doue begin to bee afraid of thayer 
neckes, becas the Artikelles ware not performed which thay had sined 
to : But the.Gouernor which T spoke of before, that wos soe much eaten 
out with the pox. Lay in such a very sad condichon for want of a 
surgeon, for he wos soe roten that none of our Surgeons would come neare 
him : soe that we ware in hopes he would saue the Hangman a labor. 

Now our Armie did begin to share the Land and plantations, 
Neueor minding to bild any fort, or make any place of strenth of 
resistanc for any enniemie that should come against vs. But doue 
think as the Spaniards did that none doth dare to come against them : 
But I wish that thayer presumption doue not vndoue them, as it did 

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the Spaniards. Now our Gennerall gaue Command that our sliip, and 
the parrigon, and all the flemesh shipes should Carene, and make all 
redie to sayle within 10 dayes, and thos ships that hadaboue six wekes 
prouisions abord of them thay ware ordered to put it abord of some of 
the Frigates which ware to stay behind vs : and this six wekes prouisions 
wos all we ware to haue to carrie vs for England. But the Gennerall 
ordered all the shipes to goe to half Louanc of Meat and Drink. Wee 
making all the hast that could be to fit our Ship for the Carene, and 
the Discouery being ordered to come abord of vs to tacke in our gunes, 
which she did, and wee hauing put abord 24 of our louer teare of gunes 
and most of our Bosswain and Carpentors stors, and Night droing neare 
wee cased her to hall of from vs, and to come to an Anckor neare vs, 
which wos don : and about 2 ouers after shee put of from our side It 
pleased god that she tucke a fier in her Bred Roume among the 
Brandie Wine. She now riding in the Midell of the flette, all the 
Shipes sent thayer boates and men abord to help to quench the fier. 
But the Brandie did bume soe cruell and fervent that the men war not 
abell to stay any longer to heaue water : But the Botes did toe her 
fast aground vpon a banck or shoule to luard of the flet, but as she 
burnt she did liten, and droue right with vs againe, soe that wee ware 
in great Dainger of her coming among our flete againe. But the Lord 
wos pleased to cas the wind to veare about, which did kep her of from 
vs, other wayes she would haue bin abord of vs : for noe man durst 
dare goe neare her to kep her ofe from vs, for She had 120 Banlles of 
pouder abord, and wee did look euery minnit when she would Blow vp, 
but she burnt at the least 4 ouers before she did Blow up, she lieing 
then not aboue Carbin shot from vs. It wos a very sad Bloue, and had 
the Lord sufered the wind to haue bloune to vs, as it did from vs, 
Shee had destroied most of our flett. Now all care was how we might 
done get our 24 Bras dimrae canon, which ware sunk in 3 fadham and 
^ water : But one Cap^. Fearnss did vnder tacke for the geting of them 
vp, and he casing a tub for the mend to goe doune in, and got 3 very 
Good diuers to help him, and in 1 2 dayes thay got all ourors vp, and 2 
of the Discoueries gunes to be sides : and now our ship was redie 
Corened to taicke them in againe : this did much reioys our men, for 
wee war fearfull that wee should not gett them againe. Now our 
Champone Like Armie did still remaine in that sad condichon of Being 
half starued, for all heare wose such a plentie of Cattell ; But thay 

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could not cacli them : and the Armie still much vissited with sicknes. 
But thayer Gennerall now had a longing Hesieor to goe for England : 
But not knowing how wellcome hee should be when he did come thar it 
did put him to a stand : But it is thoght that hee will not be long after 
vs: hisladie doth remaine with him, But the Armie is very much awery 
of her, but cannot tell how thay may be rid of her, for she doth Act 
verie high. 

Our Flet being redie to sayle the Gennerall gaue Commission to 
Vice Admirall Goodson to be Admirall of this Squaderen that lie had 
ordered to stay in the lindiaes, thay being 12 sayle of frigattes, thay are 
to kep say ling to and againe in the Ii[n]dges, and to take all spaniyards 
and french what soeeuer, and not to retorn for England vntell he 
should receue orders from me Lord Protector. 

Now I shall giue you the Best account of this Hand that posibell I 
can. The land is as good as any is in the Indges, and very frutfuU If it 
be planted, but theas pepoel are a uery Lasie pepell, for by thayer good 
willes none will worke, nor take the paines to pland Cassador to macke 
them bred. But nessitie doth moue them to it : thay doue very feue 
of them tacke care to be rich, for thay say that thay cannot wont, for 
Meate thay haue an abundant, and the bids and talow will by them 
clos, and that is all thay take care for most of them : hear ar sume 
small plantations of Shouger, But they spend It most in the Illand : 
hear is sume Cottaine, both silk and other sortes : But the Chef est 
Commoditees ar theas : Ling a Vittie and fastick woud, and hides and 
talow, and porke fat tried vp and put in gares : and that is not worth a 
going soe far for. The Hand as it is natuorallie the Best in all the 
Indges : it hath a great deale of Leuill ground, and many braue Sauanas 
full of Cattell, and abundat of braue Horses, But thay are all wild : and 
many wild hoges : and wild fouU an abundant : a many parrates : and 
Muckeas : and plentie of fich : heare are abundant of Alliegators and 
many larg snakes. This ground will bare anything that they can plant 
one it : the spaniyard doth say that it will bare all sorts of spices, and 
Shugor, and Indico, and Cottaine, and tobaco, and very good grapes : but 
the Ducke of Meden that it did belong to would not sufer them to plant 
grapes to macke wine, for then he did know they would not care for 
Spaine. This Illand is Brauelie watered with fresh riufers : and hath 3 
braue harbors in the South side, and one in the North side : But the 
niidellmust in the South Side is one of the Best in the Wordell : in it 

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may ride 500 sayle of ships from 50 fadham water to 8 : and you may 
Corene by the shore with your gones in 5 fadham water ; this harbor is 
land locked, and the trad wind doth blow into the harbor all day and 
the Land bres out att night : hear are many small Hands and shoules 
that lie before the Harbors mouth, But they are plaine to be sene. The 
worst Tlconuenience of this Harbor is that it is 6 mile from the Toune, 
But our English doth say that they will remoue and Bild near the 
water side, for thay may Bild such a Toune as that is in a small time, 
for the houses are but one stone height Becas of the Harrie Cane, for 
he doth many times com and giue them a vissit. This is all I can say 
of this Hand, for at present it is pore, But it may be made one of the 
riches spotes in the wordell ; the Spaniard doth call it the Garden of 
the Indges, But this 1 will say, the Gardeners haue bin very bad, for 
heare is very litell more then that which groweth naterallie. 

Jutie the 21" Daye 1655. — Thursday. This day wee waied with the 
Moring Brese, but could not get forth by reson of the Sea Bres Comming 
in soe soune. But we came to anacker without the Harbors mouth 
amongst the Shoules, and thar did ride vntell the 25**» daye, by reson 
that the wind kept all the time out att Sea. 

This Moring the Gennerall Commanded that the Gun should be 
fiered att 2 a clock for the flete to waie, and att 5 aclock all our flett was 
vnder sayle and got forth, but the Mariegould and the Good fellow run 
aground vpon a leg of rockes that lie of one of the littell Hands goeing 
out of the Westermust Channell, thar wee left them Beating on the 
rockes, and fearing that thay would not gett off. This moring nus wos 
broght that Gennerall Venabeles wos dead, but we could not giue 
credit to it, but of sartaine hee did lie verie sick, and the doctors war 
fearfull that he would die. All this day wee stud away Weast in sight 
of the Hand, and soe continued all Night : faier wether and the wind 
fresh at East. 

Digitized by 




Papers relating to the Conquest of Jamaica, from the 


A Spanish Proclamation ^ 

The Captone and Sarginge Mager Don Baltearsor Caldoron and 
Spenoso, Nopte ^ to the Presedente that is now in the sity of Santo- 
domingo, and Captane of the gones of the sitye, and Governor and 
Lorde Mare of this Hand, and stranch of this Lland of Turtogo, and 
Chefe Comander of all for the Kiiinge of Spaine. 

Yoo moust understand that all pepell what soever that shall com 
to this Hand of the Khinge of Spaine Catholok wich is name is Don 
Pilep the Ostere the forth of this name, that with his harmes he 
hath put of Feleminge and French men and Englesh with lefee heare 
from the yeare of 1630 tell the yeare of the yeare of thurty fouer and 
tell the yeare of fifte four in wich the Kinge of Spane uesenge all curtysi 
and given good quartell to all that was upon this Hand, after that 
came and with oute Recepet upon this Hand knowinge that the Kinge 
of Spane had planted upon it and forti6ed in the name of the Kinge 
came the forth time the 15 of Augost the laste yeare Frinch and 
Fleminges to govern this Hand the same Govemeore that was heare 
befor his name was Themoleon hot man De founttana gentlaman of 
the ourder of Guresalem for to take this Hand put in fources by se 
and land and forsed us to beate him oute of this place with a greate 
dale of shame, and be caues yoo shall take notis that wee have puelld 
doune the Casill and carid all the gonenes and have puelld doune all 

1 Rawlinson MSS. A 29, f. 500. In February 1666 a small ship touching at the 
Tortugas found the island deserted and two papers, one in Spanish, * the other in 
Borrie English.* This paper was sent by Goodson to Thurloe, it being a proclamation 
against settlement on the island. The original is written in a very difficult hand. 

^ * Nopte ' is doubtless a mistake for * nepote,' that is, nephew. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


the houes and have lefte no thinge, the same Captane and Sargint- 
mager in the name of the Kinge wich God blesh hath given yoo notis 
that what souer nason souer that shall com to live upon this Hand 
that thare shall not a man mother nor chilldren cape of the sorde, thare 
fore I give nottis to all pepell that thay shall have a care with out 
anje more notis for this is the order of the Kinge and with out fall 
you will not want yooer Pamente ^ and this is the furst and second and 
thorde time, and this whe leave heare for them that comes hear to 
take notis, that when wee com upon you, you shall not pleate that you 
dod not know is riten the 25 of August 1655. 

Baltesar Calderon Por Mandado del Seflor Gou®'' 

Y EsPiNOSA. Pedix) Fran^® de riva deneyxasuss. 

[Endorsed :] Paper found upon Tortudas. 


The Protector to General Monck^ 

Before this comes to your hands, it is probable Lt. CoL Brayne 
will have beene with you, and given you an accompt of some counsells 
had here conceminge the West Indyes (he being instructed in 
that behalfe), we haveing acquainted him therewith in order to his 
goeing thither, and taking upon him the charge and conduct of the 
forces in those partes. Wee will not trouble you from hence with a 
more particular informacion herein, other then to acquaint you that 
wo have determined of sending thither out of Scotland and Ireland 
1 200 men, and 500 of that number out of Scotland, to goe along with 
Col. Brayne, and to be imploy'd in pursuance of those intencions of ours 
whiclrhe will communicate to you. And forasmuch as there is very 
pressing occasion that all expedicion bee used in prepareing of these 
forces, and putting them under good conduct in respect of officers, and 
that choice be made of such soldiers as have given good testimony of 
their courage, resolucion, and obedience, wee doe recommend it to you 
in a more particular manner to afford your endeavours not onely for 
the dispatch of this service, but that the officers and souldyers be such 
as we may hope (through the mercy and blessing of God) will carry 

* Le. * pasamento,' that is, death. 
« Bawlinson MS. A 55, f. 126. 

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themselves well, both in point of courage and fidelitie. For the better 
encouragement of officers we have given power to Lieut*. Col. Brayne to 
appoint and preferr (by your advice) such out of the severall regimen tes 
and companyes as shalbe judged fittest for that service. And the 
l>etter to incourage souldiers to goe togeather in this expedicion, we 
have given him power (witli your advise also) to take such whole 
companyes, or partes of companyes, as shalbe found willing and fitt for 
the worke, wherin we desire you to give him your assistance, and to 
issue your orders and direccions for putting in speedy execucion what 
shalbe so agreed uppon by you. We have had consideracion of the 
most commodious place for the rendezvous and shipping, and have 
resolved upon Port Patrick as most convenient, both in order to their 
voyage and their joyneing with the rest of the said forces, which are 
to be raised in Ireland, and are appointed to be shipped at Knockfergus. 
We apprehend it would have been much for the advantage of this 
affaire in point of tyme and lessening of charge, if ships could have 
been procured in Scotland for ther transportacion. But not thinking 
fitt to depend in that, we have treated for ships to be sent from hence, 
which we hope may be in Scotland to receive the forces aboord, within 
a moneth from the date hereof, yet if you shall find that fitt ships 
may be provided in Scotland within convenient tyme, we desire you to 
agree "with them, (giveing us speedy notice thereof, that we may 
accordingly proceed with the merchants here) in which case we 
suppose you may not onely save tyme, but also charge, we being here 
to give six pounds per head, (because they must goe from hence to 
take them in, and so make in some sort a double voyage) wheras 
probably you may gett them there for iiij^* per head. 



The Protector to Lieut. Col. Brayne* 

Since you left this place wee have given direccions to Generall 
Monke to be assistant to you, for putting in execucion those things 
which wee discoursed with you here, as you may see by the copie of 
our letter to him herewith sent ; and for the more full and effectual! 
carying on of that business, wee doe hereby authorize you to nominate 

> Bawlinsou MS. A 56, p. 27. 

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and appoint such officers for this service, as by advise had with 
Generall Monke you shall judge fittest for the imployment. (Onely 
wee recomend to you Majour Brampston for your Lieutenant Colonel, 
of whose fidelity wee have had very good assurance, and who shalbe 
dispatched to you with all possible speed). As also, (by like advise), to 
draw out with the officers, such companies, in part, or in whole (to 
compleate the whole number of five hundred private souldyers) as you 
shall judge fittest. Wee doubt not but the discourses you heard here 
will sufficiently satisfy you of the necessity of expedicion in this matter, 
and therefore shall not needlessly call upon you therein. If you shall 
judge Port Patrick, the place appoynted for shippinge them,* not to be 
convenient, and can offer a better, wee desire to know it by the next 
returne, that other direccion may be given. I have writt to my sonn 
Harry to put the other part of the forces (which are to goe from Ireland) 
into the same readiness, that they may be at Knockfergus about the 
same tyme that you may probably be at Port Patrick (which wee hope 
wilbe within a moneth at farthest). At which place the Comaunders of 
the ships shalbe instructed to observe such further orders, as shalbe from 
tyme to tyme given them by you as their Comaunder in Cheife. If you 
could be able to come up hither, and returne backe to the shipping of 
your forces, without loss of tyme to this affiiire, wee should be glad of 
further comunicacion with you concerning it before your goeing away ; 
But feareing you will not be able to performe such a joumy in tyme, 
without hazard to the stay of the forces, wee have appoynted your 
comission and instruccions to be drawne up, intending to send them to 
Port Patrick by some safe hand, who may also be able to give you a 
further accompt of our intencions; and of the tyme when to expect him 
there, you shall hereafter receive more particular notice, as wee are 
from tyme to tyme enformed by you of the probability of your being in 
readyness there. Yet if you shall, upon good grounds judge that you 
may leave your business in such a posture with your Lieutenant Colonel 
that your comeing up may be no delay to the forces, and that you may 
returne back in due tyme, we desire you to signify soe much to us by 
the next post, and koe to take your owne tyme to come up accordingly. 

[Endorsed.] The Protector's letter about an expedition to the 
West Indies. 
* ' Rendezvous ' is suggested in the MS. as an amendment. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 



AcosTA, don Daarte, 89» 99, 124 

Admiralty, 65, 107 

Alcoran, 90 

Aldeme, capt. Thomas, 107 

Allen, capt. Thomas, 126, 128 

America, 9, 14, 24, 37, 63, 77, 107, 109. 

See also Commissioners 
Antrim, 2 
Apprentices, 40 

Archbold, lieut.-col. Henry, 65, 117 
Arms, xxxv-xxxvii, 2, 4, 8, 9, 12, 13, 

31, 43, 101 

Army, its composition, xvii, xxii; its 
numbers, xxx ; its losses, xxxi ; 3, 
10, 11, 14, 15, 17-19, 21-23, 27, 30, 

32, 34, 46, 47, 60-65, 67-69, 73, 79, 
82, 84, 88, 91-95, 97-100, 108, 116, 
122, 128, 129, 152-154, 158-163, 167 

Articles of treaty with the Spaniards 

at Jamaica, 39, 164, 165 
Artillery, xxviii, 122 
Ashton, col., 34 
Asses, sale of, 8 
Audley, capt. George, 126 
Aylesbury, William, 110 

Ballard, lieut. John, 126 

Bamford, major Richard, 67-69, 117, 

Barbadoes, xxiv, xxviii, 6, 7, 10-13, 30, 
33, 34, 41-44, 62, 54, 55, 58-60, 78, 
79, 91, 93, 100, 108, 109, 111, 121, 122, 
135, 139 ; description of, 144-146 

Barkstead, col. John, 77, 86, 87 

Barrington, lieut.-col. Francis, vii, xii, 
XX, xxiv, xxxi, XXXV, xxxix, 37, 65, 119, 
123. 124 

Barrow, ensign John, 125 
Barry, col. Samuel, 62, 65, 117 
Bartlett, lieut-col. Henry, 63, 65, 118, 

123, 126 
Baynard (Barnard), capt. Edward or 

Adam, 119 
Belfast, 2 
Berkenhead, sooutmaster-gen. Isaac, xx, 

xxxviii, 62, 122, 128, 125 
Berry, capt. James, 126 
Betts, capt. Ralph, 125, 126 
Bingham, capt. Stroud, 59, 119 
Blagge, Edward, rear-adm., xxviii, 104, 

Blake, Mr., 49 
Bland, ensign James, 125 
Bland, major, afterwards lieut.-col., 

Michael, 23, 63, 66, 119, 123, 125 ; 

instructions for, 124 
Bligh (Blye), capt., 146 
Blunt, capt. Winktield, 120 
Bounty, Mr., 19, 20 
Bowers, capt. Nathaniel, 120 
Bramston, major, afterwards lieut.- 
col. John, 173 
Brandy, xxxv, 13, 48-60, 69, 96, 167 
Brayne, lieut.-col. William, 171, 172; 

letter to, 172 
Bread, xxxiii, 36, 40, 47-60, 63, 69 
Bridewell, 41 

British Museum MSS., 109. Ill, 144 
Broghil, lord, 3 
Brookhaven, capt. John, 107 
Buller, col. Anthony, xix, xxxviii, xl, 4, 

11, 19, 21-23, 25-27, 60-62, 73, 80, 

93, 96, 104, 126, 129, 130, 132, 137, 

138, 140, 152, 153 
Bushel, lieut.-col. Thomas, 70, 120 

Digitized by 




Butler, capt. George, 116 

Butler, capt. Gregory, xii, xxviii ; a 
CJommissioner, 26-28, 31, 47, 60, 53, 
66, 66, 69-61, 65, 66, 80, 83, 104, 109, 
110, 132, 145, 149, 169 

Butler, James, adjt.-gen., 126 

Caouata, port of, 38, 39 

Calderon y Espinosa, don Baltasar, pro- 
clamation by, 170 

Garibbee islands, 108 

Carlingford, 2 

Carlisle bay, 8, 146 

Carpenter, capt. Philip, xxviii, 31, 122, 

Carrickfergus, 2, 87 

Carter, col. Andrew, xxi, xxxix, 11, 42, 
44, 62, 66. 117, 123 ; regiment of, 120 

Cartels Original- Letters^ cited, 8-10, 

Carthagena, 49, 112, 113 

Gary, Henry, Secretary to Commis- 
sioners, 11, 12, 23, 24, 62-64 

Cassavy, Cassavia, or Cassavina (bread), 
9, 36, 48, 69, 138, 139, 141, 146, 168 

Cattle, 36, 39-41, 46, 100, 156, 160, 
164, 166 

Catts, capt., 131 

Channel Islands, 93 

Christleton, 2 

Clapthorne, capt., 126 

Clarke, commissary-gen., 123 

Clarke, lieut.-col. John, 117, 126 

Clarke Papers, cited, 82, 118, 120 

Clotworthy, sir John, 85 

Commission, Close, 66, 66, 83 

Commissioners for ordering the affairs 
in America Ac, 14, 17, 22-26, 30, 34, 
39, 60, 61, 63, 60, 61, 64, 68, 81, 83, 
107, 110, 113-116 

Commissions to officers, 126 

Cooke, capt. John, 116 

Cooper, capt. Christopher, 119 

Corbelt, capt., 126 

Corbett, major Vincent, 65, 119, 125, 

Council of State, 2, 6, 6, 8, 48, 50, 63, 
73 76, 84, 86, 91, 92, 107, 111; 
letter to, 8 

Council of War, xxxix, 11-16. 18, 21, I 
27, 29, 33, 46. 47, 60, 62, 63, 82, 98, i 
103, 123, 154 

Cow-killers, the, 166-161 

Cox, capt., 18-21, 23, 26, 27, 95, 96, 

Crabs, 160 

Crave, Samuel, 51 

Cromwell, Henry, regiment of, 119, 173 

Cromwell, Oliver, Protector, 3, 10, 14- 
16, 24, 28, 33, 36, 40, 41, 47, 48, 60, 
63, 64, 66, 67, 69, 63-66. 68, 70, 72, 
73, 76, 83, 84, 92, 140 ; Expedition 
to Jamaica^ under his protectorship, 
1-173 ; commission and instructions 
by, 78, 79, 103, 104, 107, 109. Ill, 
160 ; letters to, 7, 71, 85, 104 ; letters 
from, xiv, 171, 172 ; petitions to, 71, 
76, 76, 81, 85 ; Scriptum domini Pro- 
tectoris contra Hispanos, 92 ; warrants 
of, 77, 86 

Cuba. 112 

Daniel, John, 46, 67, 69, 93, 126 

Daniel, major-gen. William, 46, 93 

Davis, capt. Bartholomew, 118 

Dawley, see Doyley, col. 

Debben, lieut. Henry, 125 

Dendy, serjeant, 76 

Desborough, or Disbrowe, gen. John, 

xxiv, xxxii, 4, 6, 70, 73 
Discovery, the (ship), 167 
Disney, capt. Henry, 116 
Dogs <&c., eaten for food, 35, 44, 60, 98 
Dogs, soldiers so called, 32 
Dominica, island, 148 
Dover, the (ship), 145, 147 
Downes, capt., 121, 126 
Doyley, col. Edward, xxvii, 11, 28, 39, 

62, 65, 116, 121, 123, 125-127, 137 
Drake, sir Francis, xv, 129, 136 
Drogheda, 2 
Dublin, 2 

Duckinfield church, 33 
Dugla (?), ensign David, 126 
Dutch vessels, 8, 10 

Eaton, Mr., of Duckinfield, 33 

Eaton, Samuel, of Stockport, 78, 80, 81, 

Edwards, capt. Obadiah, 118 
Elendere (?), ensign Thomas, 126 
Elephants' teeth, 10 
Essex, earl of, 73 

Digitized by 




Fearnks, capt., 20, 1G7 
Ferguson, major John, 41, 120 
Ferrobosco, lieut. Henry, 126 
Fiennes, Nathaniel, 92 
Filkins, capt. John (?), 120 
Finoher, capt. Abraham, 120 
Fisher, lieut. John, 126 
Fleet, the, 4, 11-18, 18-20, 50, 63, 57, 

69, 61, 79, 102, 108, 111, 152, 168, 

Fleetwood, Charles, Lord Deputy of 

Ireland, 78 
Flemish, the, 170 

Fontana, Thlmoleon Hotman de, 170 
Fortescue, ool., afterwards major-gen., 

Bichard, xviii, xxxix, 11, 29, 39, 60, 

62, 66, 66, 68, 74, 92, 104, 123, 125, 

127, 128, 137, 141 ; letters from, 68, 

69 ; regiment of, 118 
Freeman, ensign Thomas, 126 
French, the, 60, 60 
Fruits &c., 146 
Fry, capt., 126 

Gaoe, Thomas, chaplain, 125 
Garigliano, 15 
Garvenor, Mr., 70 
Gk>ddard, ensign Henry, 126 
Oodsalve, William, 105 
Good FeUow, the (ship), 169 
Goodson, vice-adm. William, 24, 29,39, 
53, 66, 97, 99, 104, 107, 127, 168, 170 
Goodward, lieut. Ben., 126 
Grantham, frigate, 150 
Great Charity, the (ship), 31 
Greene, ensign Sam., 126 
Groves, lieut. Hum., 126 
Guadaloupe, 148 

Haines, or Heane, major-gen. James, 
11, 29. 41, 44, 79, 80, 92, 96, 107, 
117, 122, 126, 138, 154, 158 

Haines, or Heane, capt. Thomas, son of 
the Major-General, 122, 125 

Halford (Holford), major Nicholas, 120 

Hall, ensign William, 126 

Ham (Cham), 92 

Hamilton, capt. John, 125 

Hancock, capt. Thomas, 116 

Hardwick, lieut. Balph, 126 

Harleian Miscellany, cited, 35, 40. 88, 
89, 94, 95, 97-99 

Havana, 112 

Heynes, see Haines, major-gen. 
Hickeringill, Edmund, xl 
' Hieronimo, leronieme, fort, xxxix, 23, 
I 28, 131, 133, 153, 157 
I Hill, major William, 118 
Hill, capt. Thomas, 126 
Hinde, capt. Obadiah, 116 
Hine, or Hina, river, 18-24, 26, 79, 82, 

94, 95, 129, 132, 149. 162-165, 159 
Hispaniola, 19, 35, 40, 43. 48, 56, 59, 

66, 94, 98, 112, 126, 127, 135, 138, 

139, 141, 149, 151 
Hodgson, capt. John, 34 
Holdipp, col. Bichard, xxviii-xxx, 23, 26, 

89, 40, 62, 65, 118, 119, 123, 126, 127. 

129, 137, 145, 162 
Holdipp, ensign James, 126 
Holford, see Halford 
Horses eaten, 136, 160 
Hound, the (ship), 161 
How, ensign Anthony, 126 
Howe, capt. Daniel, xxi. xxvi, 42. 46. 67. 

Hughes, capt., xxviii, 82, 122 
Humphries, col., xxxii, 102, 141 
Hyde, capt., 126 

Indian Bridge Town, Barbadoes, 11 

Indians, 113, 146-148 

Ireland, 2, 3, 9, 40, 86, 87, 101-103. 

119, 171-173 ; Lord Deputy of, 78 
Irish army, 6, 91, 100. 119 

Jackson. adjt.-gen.. xxi, 28, 29, 32, ^3, 
92, 99. 132, 134, 163 

Jackson, capt William, 37 

Jamaica, 22, 28, 30, 31, 34, 35, 40, 45, 
48, 51, 53. 69, 60, 63, 66, 67, 70, 98, 
103, 105, 117-120, 123, 126, 134. 136. 
141, 144, 160-162; capitulation of, 
36 ; description of, 138. 168 

Jennings, capt., 122, 131 

Jessop, William, 86, 87 

Johnson, capt, 122 

Jones, capt Henry, 46, 122 

Jordan, William, 63, 66 

Judge Advocate, the, 123 

Katbbrine, the (ship), 69 
Keene, capt, 118 


Digitized by 




King sir Robert, 2 
Kirby, capt. Francis, 70 
KnockfergUB, 172, 173 

Lambebt, major-gen. John, 8, 77 ; letter 
to, 72 

Laurel (Lorill), the (ship), 161 

Lawes, Mr., 53 

Lawrence, Henry, Lord President, 8, 

Leebridge, fight at, 2 

Lee-Townshend MS., cited, 3, 6, 12, 13, 
16, 32, 35, 36, 58, 123 

Leverington, capt. Samuel, 32, 118 

London, 10, 72, 73, 76, 85, 108 

Long, Samuel, Secretary to the Commis- 
sioners, 66, 97 

Lymberry. capt. John, 107 

Lysnegarive, 2 

Nantwich, siege of, 2 

Navasa, island, 136 

Navy, 7, 13, 68, 61, 107; rictuallers 

of, 5 
Neal, Mr., 8 
Needles, the, 145 
Negroes. 8, 38, 146, 166 
Nevis, West Indies. 148 
New England, 59, 138, 139 
Newry, 2 
Newton, lieut., 60 
Nizao, point, xvi, 22, 127 
Noel or Noell, capt. Martin, 8, 10, 49^ 

107, 121 
Nombre de Dios, 113 
Nova Hispania, 37, 137 

OmMoco, river, 112 

M., J., 142 

Magistracy, 89 . 

Malyn, William, 91 

Mariagalante, island, 148 

Marigold, the (ship), 169 

Marston Moor, the (ship), 60, 71, 72, 

145, 149 
Martin, the (ship), 35, 162 
Martinico, island, 147 
Matthias, the (ship), 70 
Medina, duke of, 168 
Melton, lady, 77 
Mercer, major, afterwards lient.-co]., 

Francis, 116 
Merchant ships, see Ships 
Mercurius Politictis, cited, 120, 121 
Middleton, lieut. Henry, 126 
Minchin, ensign Robert, 126 
Minne, capt. John, 119 
Minoa, river, 124 
Modyford, col., xxvi 
Mona, or la Guenon, island, 150 
Monck, gen. George, 172, 173 ; letter to, 

Montagu, col. Edward, 20, 48 
Montgomery, 2 
Montserrat, island, 148 
Morris, col. Lewis, xxvi, 11, 121 
Mulattoes, 86 
Murford, Mr., Commissary assist. -seor., 

Murphy, col., 131 

Pain, Commissary, 70 

Paine, lieut. Matthew, 126 

Panama, 113 

Papists, 6 

Paragon, the (ship). 24, 146, 167 

Paris, capt., 116 

Parliament, 2, 101 

Parsons, capt. G^rge, 116 

Partington, Mr., 41 

Pawlet. capt., 31, 116, 127, 131-133 

Pegg, capt. Abram, 70, 126 

Penn, gen., afterwards Sir William, 
xiii-xvii, 9-12, 14, 16, 19-22, 25, 31, 
32, 34, 35, 44, 48-51, 63-60, 65, 66, 
68, 70-73, 78-80, 87, 107, 109, 110, 
HI, 113, 117, 123, 144; Memorials 
of, cited, 21, 27, 29, 35, 36, 67, 82, 87, 
96, 101, 144, 147 

Peru, 113 

Phayre, col. Robert, 119 

Philip IV., king of Spain, 170 

Plantations, the, 22, 47, 49, 50, 62. 66. 
90, 93, 102, 109, 111, 162, 168 

Plunder, 24, 26 

Plymouth, 70 

Poole, William, prize officer, 10, 11,61- 

Pope (the), 109, 132, 156 

Portland (Duke of) MSS., cited, 26, 
49, 60, 66, 69, 78, 116 

Porto Bello, 112, 113 

Porto Rico, 112, 113, 150 

Digitized by 




Port Patrick, 172, 173 

Portsmouth, 6, 42, 61, 70, 71, 78, 87, 

100, 111 
Portuguese, the, 47 
Potter, oapt. Henry, 126 
Poulton, oapt., 119 
Povey, Thomas, v, 7, 10, 16, 21, 25, 86, 

49, 53, 94 
Preston, battle of, 34 
Prixe Office and Ships, 31, 52, 54, 55, 

58, 59. See also Poole, William, 

prize officer 
Providence island, 137, 164 
Provisions, xxxii-xxxiv, 4, 7, 8, 9, 11-13, 

21, 28, 82, 37, 40, 42-44, 49, 50, 57, 

63, 65, 67-70, 93-95, 100, 101, 107, 

124, 141, 142, 146, 166, 167, 168 

Ranguigh, Katherine, viscoantess, 54, 

Bawlinson MSS. cited, 127, 170-172 
Reade, major John, 65, 121, 125 
Reformados, the, 122, 127, 131-133 
Riocard, Andrew, 107 
Rider, capt. William, 107 
Riva, Pedro Francesco de, 171 
Rodundos, 148 
RoBse, capt. Stephen, 125 
Rosse, M., 126 
Rowe, William, 10, 50 
Raddiard, lieut. James, 126 
Rudyard, qaart.-ma8ter gen., 62, 123 

S., I., author of a Jotimal of Proceed- 
ings in West Indies^ vii, xxiii, xxviii, 
xxxi, 39, 88-100 

Saba, island, 149 

Sabada, capt., 20 

Sackwell, capt. Edward, 125 

Saint Christopher's, 13, 19, 30, 60, 64, 
118, 130, 145, 149 

Saint Domingo, 14, 18, 19, 24, 28, 41, 
43, 44, 55, 112, 113, 127, 129, 134-186, 
140, 148, 151, 170 

Saint Helen's, 72, 145 

Saint Hieronymo, 23, 153, 158 

Saint lago, 62, 123, 138, 139, 140 

Saint John de Porto Rico, 150 

Saint John's island, 112 

Saint Johnston's, Scotland, governor of, 

Saint Lucia, 147 

Saint Martha, town, 143 

Salkeild, capt. Thomas, 120 

Scilly, 93 

Scobell, Henry, Clerk of the Council, 

Scotland, 93, 171, 172 
Scots, the, 2 

Searle, col. Daniel, xi, 11, 109, 110 
Sedgwick, major Robert, xxxii 
Selby, the (ship), 145, 149, 152 
Ships, 6, 7, 11, 18, 26, 34, 38, 42, 59, 

64, 65, 70, 95, 102, 107. 146. 149-151, 

167. Su aho Fleet and Navy 
Skepworth, ensign Henry, 125 
Slaves, 38 
Smith, capt., 121 
Smith, capt. Dan, 121 
Smith, major Robert, 62, 65, 125 
Smith, ensign Thomas, 125 
Smith, capt. William, 62, 65, 125 
Smithsby, capt. Qeorge, 121 
Soldiers, 92, 100, 116, 117, 150, 157 ; 

their wives, 102 ; impressed with fear, 

2. 40-44, 65, 158-162 
Souse Castle, 145 

Spain, 3, 89, 92, 109, 112, 138, 156, 170 
Spaniards, the, 3, 26, 27, 86, 45, 47, 89, 

90. 91, 96, 97, 107, 112, 113, 130, 186, 

187, 152,156,157, 168, 164, 166, 167; 

treaty with, 164, 165 
Spanish Commissioners, 39 
Spanish proclamation, 170 
Sprye, capt, 126 
Statia, island, 149 
Stephens, ensign Robert, 126 
Stevens, capt. Richard, 121, 157 
Stirrope, Mr., 46 
Stockport, 78 
Stokes Bay, 144 
Stowe MSS., 107 
Surinam, 117 

Swiftsure, the (ship), 18, 31, 57, 145 
Swinerton, lieut. Bialph, 125 
Sydenham, col. William, 1, 73, 74 

Tacobut, battle at, 15 
Temple, Mr., 131 
Tents, xxxvii 
Thames, river, 72 
Thomson, Maurice, 107 
Thornhill, capt. Augustine, 121 

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Thorahill, capt. Thomas, 121 

* Three Qaeenp, Inn/ James St., London, 

Throgmorton, oapt., afterwards major, 

Thnrloe, John, Secretary, 3, 11, 46, 50, 

54, 70, 73, 101-103, 109, 170 ; letters 

to, 47, 71 ; MSS. of, 170 
Thurloe's StaU Papers, cited, 6, 47, 48, 

49, 63, 60, 62, 63, 66,67, 70, 72, 82, 86, 

93, 104. 116, 117. 119, 120, 121, 141, 

Todos Santos (All Saints) islands, 48 
Tom, capt. Gregory, 117 
Tom Tinker and Tom a Bedlam, 12 
Toome, 2 

Tortuga, island, 170 
Tower, the, 34, 70, 76-77, 80, 81, 86, 87, 

Tartogo, 9ee Tortuga, island 

Ulstbb, 2, 87 

Vaughan, John, chaplain, 125 
Vavaster (Vavasour ?), capt., 121 
Venables, gen. Robert, 1 et passim ; Nar- 
ralive of his Expedition to Jamaica, 
various versions of it, v; printed, 1- 
105 ; his early career, viii, 2, 75, 87 ; 
instructions to, ix, 78, 79, 103, 104, 
107, 111 ; quarrel with Admiral Penn, 
xiii-xvii ; character, xxxviii ; peti- 
tions to the Protector, 71, 75, 76, 81, 
85 ; documents from his papers, 123 ; 
letters to the Protector, 7, 71 ; list of 
the forces under him, 116 
Venables, Elizabeth, wife of gen. Vena- 
bles, xl, 102, 156, 168 
Venetians, the, 15 

Victuallers of the Navy, 7, 13 
Vincent, William, 107 
Virgin Mary, statues of, 129, 152 
Virginia, 52 

Waobson, Robert, treasurer, 139 

Waller, sir Hardress, 120 

Walters, adjt.-gen. Thomas, 117, 131, 

War, see Council of War 
Ward, lieut..col. Philip, 63, 65, 70, 126 
Warner, sir Thomas, 130 
Water bottles, xxxvii 
Wells, major Richard, 118 
Wentworth, John, letter from, 60, 61 
West Indies, 3, 24, 26, 42, 60, 71, 72, 

86, 88, 111, 112, 146, 168, 171; 

English expedition into, 127, 144, 

172, 173 ; woods in, 96, 97, 99 
Westminster, 110 
Whistler, Henry, vii, 67 n, 144, 148 ; his 

Journal of the West India Expedition, 

White, major Thomas, vii, 118, 123, 126 
Whitehall, 77, 86 
WUlett, capt. Edward, 117 
Williams, William, 107 
Wingbell, capt. William, 125 
Winslow, Edward, a Commissioner, x, 

xiii, xiv, 10-12, 17, 19, 20, 22. 25, 31, 

82, 34, 52, 54, 55, 60, 78, 79, 109, 110, 

136, 145, 150, 159, 161 
Worsley, major-gen. Charles, 33, 34, 93 

Yana (?), 124 
Young, capt., 
Richard, 117 

afterwards adjt.-gen. 

SpoUUw^hide ^ Co. Printert, New-Hreet Square, London, 

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